My aim in this paper is to show the necessity and possibility of implementing inclusive development that is sustainable in Africa-China relations using theConversational technique. I contend that the foremost challenges facing inclusive and sustainable developments are the dearth of constructive and balancedrelationships. If a programme of development is constructive, that is, takes into consideration every relevant variable and practicable measure, it would besustainable; and if it is balanced, that is, being fair to all groups, it would be inclusive. Michelle and Paula (2012) have proposed that inclusive development ispossible through a community-based strategy. This approach is bedeviled with difficulties which conversational thinking overcomes. Conversational thinking is anew approach in philosophical cogitation developed from the African place, but universally relevant. Its significance lies in the fact that it recognises the relevanceof contending variables in a given project, and creates room for their creative engagement that opens new vistas for thought, concepts and interactions.Conversational thinking prioritises relationships that exist among development variables or groups designated as either nwansa (out-group) or nwanju (in-group)and purveys strategies for making such relationships constructive and balanced. In highlighting the importance of cultivating constructive and balanced relationships and sustaining the same, I appeal to conversational philosophy as the needed pathway for the implementation of the ideals of sustainable-inclusive development in Africa-China relations. My methods will be expository, prescriptive and analytic.

Malaysian voters made a historical decision in May 2018, ushering in what observers termed a “Malay political tsunami” by displacing the UMNO government’s decades-long rule. This paper argues that the spirit of inclusiveness played a crucial role in the first transition of power in Malaysia. Moreover, the inclusive representation of major ethnic groups in the multi-racial state by the winning Alliance Hope coalition was a key factor leading to the transition. This paper also examines the political development in Malaysia, from the beginning of inclusive politics in the early stage of its independence, to the decline of inclusiveness from the 1970s to 1990s, to the collapse of the inclusive politics since 2008 when the DAP (the Chinese opposition party) produced a major victory over the MCA (the Chinese party in the ruling UMNO government) in the May 2008 elections. Finally, this paper also explores the challenges of the new ruling Alliance Hope in Malaysia.

In this paper, I reflect on whether the new Zimbabwe government under the presidency of Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa has the capacity to arrest thedevelopmental challenges facing the country in order to bring about inclusive development which will see the needs of the marginalized or excluded groups suchas the poor, women, children, the elderly and people living with disabilities beingaddressed. I argue that two of the biggest problems bedeviling Zimbabwe todayare chronic poverty and disease, which are a legacy of the Zimbabwe governmentled by ousted former President Robert Gabriel Mugabe. I contend that Mugabe’s government failed to manage its politics, which, in turn, resulted in the decline of Zimbabwe’s economy in the last two decades leading to high unemployment, hyperinflation, brain drain, cash crisis and the outbreak of diseases among a host of problems. My claim is that the effects of the problems listed above are still being felt today. I submit that although the philosophy of hunhu/ubuntu became endangered during Mugabe’s reign, it can still be deployed in the new dispensation to bring about inclusive development by coming up with policies that will attract investors through improving relations with the developed world as well as dealing with the problem of corruption.

In Hong Kong, which is one of the highest GDP per capita cities in the world, the problem of poverty, particularly the housing of the poor, has been exacerbated as economic development has progressed. The received neocapitalistic view is that such poverty is an inevitable price for the economic growth which will eventually benefit everyone. In this essay, I criticize such view by examining how non-inclusive economic development in the past created barriers to inclusive economic development today. Through a comprehensive analysis of the housing problem in Hong Kong, I argue that these barriers, including not only physical constraints such as ownership and the lease of lands, housing prices and public housing policies, but also an ideological constraint adopted and advocated by the rich that regards poverty as a consequence of personal laziness and stupidity rather than a failure of the government, render the promise of the neo-capitalistic equality between rich and poor very difficult if not impossible to attain. I conclude that real equality can be attained only if we regard inclusive development as a necessary component of development from the beginning rather than a remedy for noninclusive development.

In this paper, I argue that traditional African communitarian values such as togetherness, mutual cooperation and solidarity are more consistent with the socialstructure and the political organization of many traditional societies in Africa and could be a veritable framework for implementing a program of inclusivedevelopment. I establish that African communitarian values take into consideration the contributions of all stakeholders, including the poor, vulnerable, and the marginalized in a bid to address development issues. I also provide strong reasons for implementing communitarian strategies of togetherness, solidarity andmutual cooperation which support mutual interdependence and could promote inclusive development in Africa. I draw examples from traditional African ethicwith communitarian values salient among small self-governing communities, and reflect on the ethic / politics of consensus in light of important developmentalchallenges facing the world today. I draw the conclusion that a critical and creative reevaluation of the communitarian values may help Africans and the rest of humanity in meeting the challenges of inclusive development.

Naga Tribal communities residing in rural Nagaland are deprived of access to adequate health care services, livelihood opportunities, road connectivity,sanitation and education. About 71.14 percent (Census, 2011) of Naga Tribes inhabit rural areas; most of these tribal communities are engaged in agricultureand allied activities for livelihood. The absence of adequate road network suitable for all weather, public transportation system, and high cost oftransportation fares hinder the mobility of the tribal communities in the rural areas. The confinement of development to the urban areas has led to interdistrictdisparities and dearth of basic facilities in the rural communities. This study intends to portray the socio-economic status of the Naga Tribal communities in rural areas. The study will identify infrastructural challenges of the Naga tribal communities. Descriptive Research Design have been adopted and the study includes only secondary data. The Survey method was used in the analysis of the collected secondary data. The implementation of inclusive development has become an urgent need, in order to provide basic infrastructures with equity to the Naga tribal community in rural Nagaland. The study will show how achieving inclusive development can contribute to the realization of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) at the national and globallevel.

Underdevelopment increases unemployment, which further worsens poverty levels among people in rural communities and inequality in the country at large. Atpresent, government financial institutions are failing to reach rural communities which they are meant to develop. The inability of such communities to accesscapital from formal financial institutions drives them to devise alternative means through which they can survive and improve their livelihoods. Stokvels areeffective self-help economic development strategies in rural South Africa which do not depend on external forces but rely totally on the determination of membersof the community to improve their lives themselves. The creation of self-help projects such as stokvels are founded on the principle of ubuntu, which goesbeyond the enrichment of the individual. Stokvels constitute an ethical framework that could improve the economic distribution in modern-day society. Adoptingindigenous African ways of dealing with African problems could therefore prove an effective tool for helping to alleviate poverty in rural areas.

In recent times, in Asia and more specifically in South Asia the discourse on ethnic and religious nationalisms that attempt to redefine the identity of locals in anexclusive and adversarial manner has dominated political and mainstream exchanges. This emphasis on stringent and radical nationalism has seriousramifications for inclusive development. This article critically examines the findings of the Inclusive Development Index 2018 (IDI) and link it with other reports and surveys like the Oxfam survey 2017 to find out the connections between stringent forms of nationalism and development. Besides analyzing briefly the notions of nationalism as played out concretely in the South Asian nations, this article makes an in-depth analysis of the specific case of the right wing ‘Hindutva’ ideology in India. The processes, institutions and structures that lead to various forms of systemic bias and discrimination against the minorities will be identified, and the role of stringent nationalism in reinforcing these biases and thus impeding the project of inclusive development will be scrutinised.

I argue that one way in which a problem such as mass poverty in the sub-Saharan Africa can be addressed is through inclusive development, which is a pro poor, pro all, programme. However, it appears that the theoretical framework that can deliver the values of inclusive development has yet to be clearly sorted out. This is because, while bringing together all actors and factors, inclusive development should not subsume individual endowments to collective values. I fault Amartya Sen’s Capabilities approach which mounts a defence of development through democratic deliberation as treating the individual in a way that seemingly trivialises the sort of relationship—a complementary one— required for inclusive development to happen, and Thaddeus Metz’s ubuntu approach which though upholds individual endowments, tends to also appeal to the collective in a way that appears to place premium on some collective values like solidarity which, I think, can blur the line between individual endowments and collective values. So, I claim that inclusive development can better be delivered using the approach of conversational thinking which has the capacity to drive the values of inclusive development such as complementarity and comprehensiveness while at the same time sufficiently isolating the endowments of the individuals from the trappings of the collective. Conversational thinking achieves this by taking the nature of the relationships of the relevant variables to factor into the effort aimed at combating social protection problems such as poverty.

In the debates on the roles of cultures in the ethics of human rights, one of them concerns Confucianism and Ubuntu, two prominent cultures in East Asia andSouthern Africa, respectively. Some scholars assert that both cultures have values that are sharply different from the West, and conclude that the West should learn from these cultures. The aim of this paper is to philosophically investigate the roles of cultures in the ethics of human rights. I first introduce the works of Bell,Metz and others on community values such as relationships and harmony in Confucianism and Ubuntu. I then argue that even if their interpretations werecorrect, their works still would not justify the conclusion they want. I show that it is better to use consequential evaluation rather than cultural evaluation to justifyhuman rights. An example of human rights to health and privacy is discussed. This paper thus offers some preliminary but important philosophical investigations and addresses practical issues of consequential evaluation related to human rights.