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1. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 11
Thummapudi. Bharathi Dr. Ambedkar’s Philosophy: A Step towards Total Humanism
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2. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 11
Josef Bordat Humanitarian Intervention and Human Rights Education
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To ensure the protection of the human rights, the role of world community, confronted with a new kind of military violence and terrorism, is discussed under the concepts reaction and prevention, for on the one hand there is the attempt to protect human rights by humanitarian interventionism, that leads to so called“human rights wars” (Beck), on the other hand the UNO shows increasing efforts in preventative means like “human rights education”. These two aspects shall be discussed in the article by analyzing particularly the report The Responsibility To Protect (2001) by the International Commission on Intervention and StateSovereignty (ICISS) as well as the latest activities and plans of the United Nations concerning human rights education.
3. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 11
Charles Courtney On Not Excluding the Poor Yet Again
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Many philosophers agree that human rights are helpful for defining poverty (poverty is a violation of human rights) and for overcoming poverty (human rights provide a standard for measuring progress). I briefly examine the recent contributions of Paul Ricoeur, who sees human rights declarations as the occasion for aconversation leading to practical wisdom, and Thomas Pogge, who argues for a reform of the global institutional order that has done much harm and prevented billions of people from having secure access to the objects of human rights. As a complement to the important contributions of Ricoeur and Pogge, I pose the question, Who should be the actors in the struggle against poverty? My answer, drawing on recent work by the United Nations Human Rights Commission, is that it is a violation of the human rights of those living in poverty if they are not full participants in the working for the eradication of poverty.
4. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 11
Zhenrong Gan The Politically Pluralistic Conception of Human Rights
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This paper is a sketch of the politically pluralistic conception of human rights. The conception will be illustrated by a basic characteristic of human rights under the constraint of the fact in the political. It is pluralistic because it is compatible with different moral values and cultures with qualification. It is also political because it considers political actions in practice and it does not follow from any moral doctrine which may be more generally or intrinsically related to human rights. I attempt to propose that the politically pluralistic conception of human rights can response to a challenge from the fact of reasonable pluralism in international discourse and practice. The steps of my argument will be constructed as follows: first, I will propose that the point in the political is to solve the first political question (Q) whether we consider the situation of a state or of international societies; secondly, I will identify that the most important characteristic of human rights is that individuals should be treated equally in certain proper ways (C), and will argue that C can make a contribution to solve Q; thirdly, I suppose human rights can be accepted by different political arrangements or cultures with C qualification if they do not become part of the problem while solving Q; finally, I will propose that political arrangements or cultures with C qualification do not have to limit to liberalism. If these four steps are successful, then there is a politically pluralistic conception of human rights which is constructed without a moral doctrine and is compatible with reasonable pluralism in human rights practice.
5. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 11
Saladin Meckled-Garcia How to Think about the Problem of Non-state Actors and Human Rights
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International Human Rights Law is clear in holding only states or state-like entities responsible for human rights abuses, yet activists and philosophers alike do not see any rational basis for this restriction in responsibility. Multi-national corporations, individuals and a whole array of other 'non‐state actors' are capable of harming vital human interests just as much as states, so why single-out the latter as human rights-responsible agents? In this paper I distinguish two ways of looking at human rights responsibility. One is simply in terms of the outcomes that are deemed desirable to avoid (or secure), and the other is in terms of the relationships one sees these moral standards as governing. I argue that the peculiar form of responsibility and responsiveness (the way of 'holding to account')inherent to human rights principles is directed at establishing a particular type of relationship: one in which individuals are empowered in the face of a very special form of communal power. Other kinds of relationship and potential transgression are more appropriately governed by different kinds of moral principles, such as those relating to criminality. The outcomes view fails to incorporate this insight and for that reason fails to see the distinct role played by human rights standards in our moral reasoning: they are precisely valuable because they provide a way to judge the relationship of individuals to the peculiar kind of power exercised by the state. Part of this project is a re-assessment of the methodology employed by philosophers in establishing moral principles and concepts, such as those relating to human rights standards.
6. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 11
Robin Geiß Shifting Frontiers on the Delineation of War and Peace
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7. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 11
Plamen Makariev Group-Specific Rights: A Non-Essentialist Approach
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This paper is dealing with a contradiction in the theory and policy of minority rights: on the one hand the claims for such rights are justified by recognizing the value of the cultural identity of minority groups, on the other – the recognition of such a value implies an acceptance of a conservative and isolationist view onminority identities. Characterizing the latter view as essentialist I explore several alternatives for approaching the issue of minority rights in a different way and finally I reach the conclusion that one more convincing method of identifying the cultural needs of minority groups and the rights necessary for satisfying these needs could be the technique of public deliberation. Its application for this purpose could make the negotiating of group-specific rights much more flexible and politically unproblematic than at present.
8. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 11
Jurate Morkuniene Human Rights and Human Security
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The main aim of the paper is to reflect the problem of the concept of human rights as well as to make analysis from the perspective of human security. The principal attention is paid to the fundamentals of human rights, first of all, to the human security. Only the world that ensures personal and national security and creative development for its entire people can be world of the real embodiment of human rights. Author considers the education as one of the backbones of human security due to the fact that education fulfils its true purpose by allowing individuals to make their own decisions and take control of their own lives; and creates persons identity. The possibility to develop a human and social identity means a real implementation of human rights. Human rights, based on human security and development, is a permanent process that takes its point of departure in human and social needs within cultural characteristics. So it means that human rights can not be defined once and for all.
9. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 11
Sivanandam Panneerselvam Human Rights in Indian Context: Traditional and Modern Approach
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Human Rights are fundamental. Rights should be considered natural to all human beings. Man, is born with some rights. These rights exist irrespective of the fact whether they are recognized by the society or not. Some rights of man are eternal to man and they are prior to States. These rights are known as “natural rights”. Para 3 of the Preamble to Universal Declaration of Human Rights says that whereas it is essential, if man is not be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human right should be protected by the rule of law. All men and women, everyone in the world, are entitled to the rights and freedom contained in the Declaration without any discrimination. The human rights contained in the Universal Declaration may be divided intotwo categories: civil and political rights, which are usually insisted upon in the western liberal democracies; and economic, social and cultural rights, which are generally emphasized in the socialist democracies. The Constitution of India has issued two broad mandates to the Parliament, the Legislatures of the States and to all institutions of the Government. They are: (1) not to take away or abridge certain rights described as fundamental rights; and (2) to apply certain principles described as Directive Principles of State Policy. Both are interrelated. The social and economic obligations of the State are to protect the rights of the citizens prescribed in the ancient texts. To show the importance of human rights and to protect it, the President of India promulgated an Ordinance on September 28,1993 with a view to provide for the setting up of a National Human Rights Commission for better protection of Human Rights and for matters connected therewith.
10. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 11
João Cardoso Rosas Human Rights: The Very Idea of a Short List
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In this paper I submit that, if one takes seriously the distinction between citizenship rights and human rights, the list of the latter must be minimized. Many of the rights that we are used to call human rights are, in fact, citizenship rights and they belong to a history of citizenship in some specific states around the world. Thelist of human rights must be much shorter than the list of citizenship rights, whatever that list may be in accordance with the grounds attributed to human rights by different philosophical approaches. My plea for a qualification of which rights should count as human rights and the idea of a short list challenges the consensus among international lawyers. Nevertheless, it does not aim at a critique of human rights as such. On the contrary, the general intention of the very idea of a short list is to strengthen the moral force of human rights in order to make them meaningful in different political contexts.