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41. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Plamen Makariev Cultural Claims and Deliberative Democracy
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A framework derived from Jürgen Habermas’ Between Facts and Norms is utilized to address the question of how claims for minority rights, that emerge from ethical-political discourses, may receive public recognition. The major difficulty in this regard turns upon discrepancies between the interpretations of minority cultural needs by the members of a given community and interpretations of the same needs on the part of those outside of the community in question. I argue that the best way to assess across cultural “barriers” the credibility of the outcomes of substantive discourses does not involve minimizing requirements for their deliberativeness, as some recent publications claim, but rather strictly differentiating between the procedure and substance of the deliberation.
42. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Spiros Makris The Ancient as Modern: Leo Strauss and the Revival of Classical Political Philosophy
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This paper attemps to point out the importance of the approach of Leo Strauss in the 21st century. The Straussian approach to the history of political thought requires the recovery of ancient knowledge of political things. And this is in turn requires the revival of classical political philosophy. Leo Strauss puts Ancient as Modern, approaching Modern as the philosophical foundation of Western decadence. For Leo Strauss, positivism and historicism led western civilization to relativism. The classical political philosophy discredited as anti-democratic and incompatible with modern natural science. Moral values were undermined by historical facts. Good and evil ceased to employ modern political philosophers and received by the discredited metaphysical field. Modern man surrendered to individualism, conformism and nihilism.
43. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Vicente Medina Can Perspective Relativism be Defended in the Face of the Evident Evil That Terrorists Bring About?
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In this paper, it is argued that terrorism undermines the justification of perspective relativism. The cliché, “one person’s terrorist is another person’s freedom fighter,” is offered as an example of perspective relativism. Perspective relativists argue that moral principles and judgments have no universal moral import. Those who defend the cliché expression presuppose that the evaluation of terrorism is necessarily perspectival. For them, there are no morally objective differences, e.g., between deliberately killing combatants and deliberately killing innocent noncombatants. Yet there are morally objective differences between these two acts. While the first act might be justified, the second act is considered murder. Hence, the evaluation of terrorism is not necessarily perspectival. Therefore, in the face of the evil that terrorists bring about, it is argued that perspective relativists have a substantive burden of proof to show that there are no transcultural moral values.
44. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Naira Mkrtchyan The Role of Moral Values in Politics: Contemporary Understandings and Possible Effects
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The issue on the role of moral values in politics is among those ones which cause hot debates both in academic area and in everyday life. Some contemporary philosophical approaches on it not only enable or deprive politics with moral characteristics, but everyone in its own way carries out ‘the politics of morality’, which provide them with a necessary horizon to initiate the successful ‘import’ or ‘export’ of moral values at the different stages and the levels of politics. Morality and moral values paradoxically function in the relation to politics. They a) enable to keep political processes alive (for instance, the competition between different views in political processes), b) serve as an integrators of social life via political actions (for instance, the idea of social justice). But at the same time they can forbid the construction and constitution of social ‘body’ in political actions. In other words they prevent the main actors of political life from the coming to the agreement (relative unanimity) on the core values and always endanger the process of ordering of social coexistence.
45. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Jorge Moraes Rethinking the Dichotomy Between Recognition and Redistribution in a Transnational Scenario
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The purpose of the present work is to rethink the dichotomy between recognition and redistribution taking the current scenario of the European crisis as a critical resource. Initially, we will address the theme based on Nancy Fraser’s article titled “Social justice in the knowledge society.” Then we will try to demonstrate how the crisis’ vocabulary leads us to a moral background that breaks the dichotomy between the concepts of recognition and redistribution present in Fraser’s article. After that we will apply Lazzarato’s interpretation of Foucaldian category of power in order to understand the European crisis in terms of a structured exercise of power established by the creditor-debtor relationship. From this relationship placed in relief, one can resume Fraser’s concept of struggle for recognition in other perspective, now consonant with a transnational policy, in which the cultural background that accompanies the crisis arises as a result of a political strategy. In this sense, both struggles (for recognition and for redistribution) will be subordinated to the same political game.
46. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
María Inés Mudrovcic Historical Time, Political Time
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This paper attempts to show that in western late modern societies, in the absence of absolute foundations and the lack of a frame of meaning that opens new horizons of expectations, a political self-understanding of the present in terms of past, begins to emerge. This is possible because the major “catastrophes” of the twentieth century (the Holocaust, the Latin-American state terrorism, the GULAG, et cetera) have not established a rupture between past and present on the political plane. What I am trying to show here is that the kind of break between past and present made possible by events such as the French Revolution and the fall of the Soviet Union, took place because these events provoked political ruptures. Because the catastrophes of the 20th century did not break the political order which gave them birth (the modern secular state), they have created an order of time which, without leaving the future aside, feeds itself from the past which is read in the register of a memory code.
47. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Sergey A. Nizhnikov Four Theses on the Interrelation Between Morality and Politics
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In this research, possible variants of the correlation between violence and non-violence in politics are revealed through the prism of N. Machiavelli’s works, especially Machiavelli’s idea (only the good political end justiies any means), Machiavellianism (the end justiies any means), humanistic (the good end can be achieved only by good methods), and pacifist (non-resistance to evil by force – L. Tolstoy) concepts. The basic difference between the specified variants of understanding the correlation between morality and politics is established. It is stressed that Machiavellianism cannot be named a policy at all, for such an activity is an extremely criminal offence. Machiavelli’s limited humanism can be relatively justified only at the stage of formation of the national states, but it is inadmissible in the globalizing world. The pacifist non-resistant variant is considered to be immoral. It is asserted that modern global problems, both international and domestic ones, can be solved only on the humanistic non-violence policy basis (non-resistance to evil by violence, which does not exclude resistance to evil by force and sometimes even requires it), whose principles are revealed in the “axial time” suggested by the world religions and philosophy as developed by I. Kant, F. Dostoevsky, M. Gandhi, M. L. King, etc.
48. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Alejandra Ríos Ramírez Basic Procedural Justice: Tool of Transition Toward Minimally Decent Societies
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From the reconstruction of the approaches of Rodrigo Uprimny and Rajeev Bhargava on transitional justice models, it will be posed that the minimally decent society concept, coined by the second author, sheds new light on the discussions about better models to be implemented in societies with humanitarian crises. Intertwining the arguments of these authors could allow us to extend the scope of application of transitional justice to diverse contexts, say from dictatorship to democracy, from war to peace, or from a barbaric society to a minimally decent one.
49. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Bassam Romaya Transformations of War: Philosophical Challenges in Contemporary Times
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Throughout the past decade, philosophers (and others) have grappled with the idea that armed conflict in contemporary times has ushered in a new, transformative era of warfare, maintaining that the new phase introduces crucial differences that undermine existing frameworks for the ethical analysis of war. I argue that such differences are strikingly different from one in which older wars of the modern period took place (this includes wars up to the late 20th century). In this paper, I maintain that emergent properties of new wars frequently include the rise of intrastate identity-based conflicts, asymmetric warfare involving states and nonstate actors, high civilian to combatant death ratios, growing disregard for the laws of armed conflict, and increased use of irregular (or prohibited) war strategies and tactics, which may or may not include the use of new technologies. In my defense of the new war hypothesis, I discuss two additional (ontological) features. First, the blurring of distinctions across multiple categories (e.g., combatant vs. noncombatant, state vs. non-state actors, real-time vs. imagistic/theatrical war, state borders vs. unmarked/undeclared global war zones) that formerly characterized old wars, and second, the perpetual/ongoing nature of new wars.
50. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Debika Saha Deliberative Democracy, Different Voices and a Just Society
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The idea of deliberative democracy is as old as democracy itself. Like democracy, it has its origin in Greece, in the fifth century B.C. To think democracy in terms of the deliberative ideal brings certain internal tensions in the ideal: tensions between procedural justification and the need for independent standards of judgment and reason; tensions between freedom and equality; and the tensions between its ideal and the actual conditions of pluralism and complexity in contemporary globalized societies. Resolving such tensions is a demanding issue for the present pluralistic democracy. Following Habermas and Rawls, the present paper will try to find out whether its proposed reforms can enrich and improve democratic practice and provide justice in contemporary social life.
51. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Jitendra Nath Sarker An Undesirable Intrusion of Capitalism in Democracy: A Historical Survey
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The aim of this paper is to justify the view that the intrusion of capitalism in democracy is not only undesirable; it is repugnant to the idea of self-government as well. I shall also bring to light in this context the historical background that has made the intrusion possible. Democracy as a social ideal based on moral values and its aim is to ensure the right to equality of all men. Capitalism on the other hand, is an economic view that denies financial equality of humans and as such it is a barrier on the way to install spiritual equality and dignity of them all. In spite of the fact the people of capitalist countries believe that to be liberal a democracy must have a capitalist market society. According to them, “liberal democracy and capitalism go together.”1 And it would be surprising to them if this close relation between the two were merely co-incidental. I would like to differ from the view and put forth historical evidence to prove that the combination of capitalism with democracy is a curse in the history of civilization.
52. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Paul Schollmeier Political Sophistry Ancient and Contemporary
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Sophistry is alive and thrives. I argue that this less than venerable tradition modern and contemporary political philosophers continue to this day. I take Protagoras as the archetype sophist, and I show that John Stuart Mill, as does Protagoras, advocates happiness not in an ancient, rational, sense but in a sophistical, passional, sense. Despite their protestations, John Rawls and Robert Nozick continue to advocate a utilitarian happiness of a similar passional sort. The upshot of their sophistry is all too obvious in our present financial crises.
53. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Silvio Gabriel Serrano Nunes The Origin and Meaning of the Term “Fundamental Laws” In Theodore Beza’s Political Thought of Resistance and Constitutionalism
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This paper aims to analyse the political thought of Theodore Beza (Latin ‘Theodorus Beza’, French ‘Théodore de Bèze’ or ‘de Besze’), focusing on his construction of a right of resistance to be exercised by the Huguenot party, that had him as one of the most prominent leaders of its cause. This right of resistance was based on an empowerment of the “lesser magistrates” and the “Estates-General” of France (and even in others political communities) to offer resistance against a tyrannical government. In his most important political written published in 1574 (the French version) “On the Right of Magistrates over their Subjects” (French “Du Droit des Magistrats sur leurs Sujets”), it is noticed an important fact to the history of the political thought that is the creation of the expression “fundamental laws” (French ‘lois fondamentales’), that in our current days in many countries is used as synonym of “Constitution”. Although the resemblances of the use of the expression, in Beza’s times it had a loose sense when compared with nowadays usage.
54. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Devrim Sezer Medea’s Wounds: Euripides on Justice and Compassion
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This paper explores the moral and political implications of Euripides’s Medea. Drawing critically on Aristotle’s and Nietzsche’s readings of Euripidean tragedy, I will show that in his Medea, Euripides brings to the attention of his Athenian audience that the Greek democratic ideal of persuasion can also be used by a foreigner/woman in her demand for justice. In doing so, Euripides at once advocates the civilizing power of Athenian political life and its civic ideals, and demonstrates its limitations and injustices, in particular with regard to women and “barbarian” foreigners. But at the same time, Euripides also emphasises that the politics of revenge (and violence) initiated by Medea herself, in response to her failure to persuade her opponents through speech, demonstrates not only the error in her judgement (i.e., Aristotle’s concept of hamartia) but also the deeply wounded moral psychology of the oppressed and marginalised people. The paper finally examines the principal contributions of Euripides’s tragic storytelling to political theory with particular reference to the concepts of cruelty, compassion and “enlarged mentality.”
55. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Omid Payrow Shabani Taking Religious Voices in Public Sphere Seriously
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Over the past decade or so, the liberal principle of legitimacy, which requires the justification of coercive law based on public reason, has come under severe attack from all sides. Some have criticized what they see as the exclusion of religious reason from the public sphere. Still others argue that the liberal proviso assumes a too-narrowly secularist definition of public reason, which, in fact, is more restrictive than what the principle of separation of church and state demands. Critics argue that religious citizens’ participation in public debate should not be conditioned on whether they use public reason or not. Instead they should be free to use whatever reason they have—religious or not—in public deliberation on policy issues. While some political theorists have replied to these criticisms by engaging at the theoretical level with these arguments, I propose to assess them in practice. I start by granting the critics of public reason what they wish—namely to allow comprehensive reasons in discussion concerning justification of law—and examining the practical consequences of this measure. In assessing these consequences it will become apparent that, at the formal level of making and administering law, only those reasons that are accessible by all equally have a justificatory power.
56. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Ming Shao On Confucian Social Political Theory
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Confucianism designed a kind of social political theory quite different from those in the west. It was rooted in their realistic understandings on man, society, and the natural world. Generally, Confucians held that humankind has a specific meaning owing to mind though man came from the natural world and connected with all things. Human nature had to be defined in terms of mind whatever it was looked like. The potential ability of mind would be formed and perfected in a long empirical history so as to shape one’s essence. The ability of mind to endow something with meanings was primary and then those of value judgment and rational cognition. It was the ability to plant meanings into things that was regarded as moral or positive in Confucians’ eyes because one’s world of meaning would be continuously widened and enriched. The process of resting meanings on things was exactly “efforts morally”. It led to a conclusion that education to help one require autonomy plays the key role in a society. It seems to be the only standard to judge whether a society is good or right.
57. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Yekutiel Shoham Lockean Toleration: an Interweaving Strategy of Argumentation
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While assessing the validity of the arguments in John Locke’s A Letter concerning Toleration, the scholarship on the English philosopher tends to overlook the distinction that he is making between three sources of religious intolerance, namely state, religious establishments and individuals, and concentrate mainly on the persecution by the state. The reason for this tendency in Locke’s scholarship is that nowadays toleration either by an established religion or by individuals is not an open question in the Western world. Consequently, Locke’s interpreters mostly focus on what the philosopher has to say about the possibility that the state will use its force in order to limit the freedom of its citizens, not necessarily their religious ones. This leads them in turn to interpretative disagreements about the validity of the three kinds of arguments that Locke raises against religious intolerance, namely political, religious and philosophical arguments, as well as to the question of how they relate to each other. I argue that these disagreements arise not only from underestimating Locke’s essential distinction between the three possible sources of religious intolerance, but also from underestimating Locke’s interweaving strategy of argumentation. The aim of this paper, then, is to show that when one pays the proper attention to Locke’s distinctions as well as to his polemical strategy the relations between his three main arguments and their validity become clearer. Consequently it makes Locke’s A Letter concerning Toleration an important text regarding contemporary challenges of religious toleration in the western world.
58. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Denis Coitinho Silveira Justice as Fairness and the Problem of Reasonableness
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In this paper I want to show the importance of the concept of reasonableness in John Rawls’s theory of justice as fairness, as well as explain the problem of reasonableness in this theory. The starting point will be to stress the requirement of reasonableness that is made to the moral agent in justice as fairness. Later, I will identify some criticism about these criteria. I will show the criticism made by Estlund about the insularity of the concept of reasonableness and the necessity of truth for justification, and the criticism established by Timmons and Gaus regarding the requirement of reasonableness as excessive and ineffective too. In the next step, I shall try to respond to these criticisms and, at the end of this paper, I shall lay down an argument about a kind of reasonable moral responsibility that may be contained in justice as fairness.
59. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Marko Simendić Persona Civitatis and Thomas Hobbes’s Definition of a Commonwealth
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Contra Quentin Skinner’s and David Runciman’s influential accounts that aim to prove what kind of person the Hobbesian state is, in Leviathan Thomas Hobbes compares a commonwealth to an artificial man or an artificial God, but never to an artificial person, nor to a fictitious person. The commonwealth, therefore, should never be constrained to its persona civitatis since, besides its group personality, it also comprises “the multitude”, i.e. flesh and blood people disposed to act in a certain way. The analysis of Hobbes’s definition of a commonwealth will show that, although group personality (persona civitatis) symbolises unity through representation and although it is essential that this unity exists, we cannot simply identify it with the state. Hobbes’s state, therefore, should be defined as an entity that encompasses both material (“men”) and formal elements (persona civitatis).
60. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Robert B. Talisse A Challenge for Republicanism
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Republicans hold that freedom is non-domination rather than non-interference. This entails that any instance of interference that does not involve domination is not freedom-lessening. The case for thinking of freedom as non-domination proceeds mostly by way of a handful of highly compelling cases in which it seems intuitive to say of some person that he or she is unfree despite being in fact free from interference. In this essay, I call attention to a kind of case which directs attention to what seems to me to be a highly counterintuitive element of the republican conception of freedom. The challenge to republicanism is that of providing a compelling response to this kind of case.