Displaying: 121-140 of 403 documents

0.427 sec

121. Chôra: Volume > 5
Daniel Mazilu La religiosité de Plotin
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
The religious spirit in Plotinus. Lots of studies from last 30 years have shown similar attitudes and spiritual tendencies in early christian and neoplatonic teachings. But we could not forget that we are dealing here with two major rivals on the intellectual scene of Late Antiquity. Despite commun aspects in plotinian and gnostic doctrines, there are some strong critics in Plotinus works, most of them in Enneads II,9, that let no doubt of the distance between the gnostic and neoplatonic positions on some key issues. This article points out four aspects of the plotinian doctrine that clearly break up with some of the main christian religious attitudes. Plotinus had a positive jugement on the sensible world, he had never expressed contempt towards nature, refused any presomption on religious matters and considered the philosophy as the only way to mistical union with the One.
122. Chôra: Volume > 5
Gabriel Chindea Le nombre est-il une réalité parfaitement intelligible? Une analyse de l'intelligibilité du nombre chez Plotin
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
Is the number an absolute intelligible reality? The author investigates the number and its nature in Plotinus. works trying to solve the following question: what number is considered intelligible - the number in general or the number in particular? Three answers are given over this study. Thus, if the number is generally defined as intelligible (as Plotinus sometimes does), than the number in general is an intelligible reality (a general intelligible number, therefore, exists). On the other hand, if we make a distinction between numbers (the plural) and number (the singular), it seems that, for Plotinus, only the particular number could be considered clearly intelligible, while the number as a generic reality is not so. Actually, the final solution comes out from the agreement between these two divergent theses. This agreement is based on the idea of the total number: a number that is in the same time particular and general, a number which is the object of the final part of the present study.
123. Chôra: Volume > 5
Marilena Vlad De l'unité de l'intellect à l'un absolu: Plotin critique d'Aristote
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
In this article, I discuss Plotinus. critique of the peripatetic idea of the divine intellect as first principle. As I am trying to show, Plotinus accepts the unity of the intellect as self-thinking, and, even more than Aristotle, he emphasizes this unity. Yet, he insists on the necessity of a principle that is even higher and simpler than the intellect. Eventually, intellect proves to be the unity of a plurality, though it is the most unitary being. I discuss the dual nature of the intellect: both as thinking and as being, intellect is both unitary and plural. Starting from this, I analyze Plotinus' arguments of the absolute one as first principle, above intellect.
124. Chôra: Volume > 5
Jean-Marc Narbonne Jamblique, le précurseur méconnu
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
Iamblichus has long lived under the shadow of Plotinus. One can easily recognize this from the historiography of the Neoplatonic school starting, for example, with J.J. Brucker's Historia critica philosophiae (1742) and continuing with Hegel and 19th century historians like Simon and Vacherot in France, Kroll and Zeller in Germany. But from Praechter on Iamblichus was acknowledged more and more as an original thinker and the real systematizer of the late Neoplatonic School. We can see more clearly now that the inclusion of theurgy into Neoplatonism does not mean a simple abandonment of philosophy or rational discourse, and that the discipline of textual exegesis does not negate the originality of the commentator. In Proclus, for one, these complementary strains are strongly present. In rebuilding the whole Platonic system, Iamblichus - the Chrysippus of Neoplatonism - skillfully incorporated elements like the Chaldean triads which were unknown to Plotinus, and presented a completely new account of the nature of theology. This feat shows a genius no less impressive, albeit of another type, than the one disclosed by Plotinus himself.
125. Chôra: Volume > 6
Kristina Mitalaité Le grec et le savoir grec chez les Carolingiens
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
The knowledge of the Greek by the Carolingians was well studied by the modern scholars. This article focuses on the third generation of intellectuals from this period, on their attitude towards Greek language and the ways it was used in the classrooms. Despite the negative view of the Greek knowledge by some of his contemporaries, Sedulius Scottus appears to be an intellectual interested in the Greek thought that he collected from the different Latin sources like Macrobius, for instance. His awareness of the definition of the soul by Plato leads him to state some philosophical ideas as an active principle for the essence of beings and things.
126. Chôra: Volume > 6
Ruedi Imbach, Irène Rosier-Catach «Un onagre fréquentable»: Entretiens avec Jean Jolivet
127. Chôra: Volume > 6
Marie-Hélène Congourdeau Les pères peuvent-ils se tromper? Saints, didascales et pères à Byzance sous les Paléologues
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
Towards the end of the Byzantine Empire many texts of the Latin Fathers were translated into Greek, beginning with the De Trinitate of Augustine. This flurry of translation spurred discussion on the authority of the Fathers. The Greeks were now confronted with the problem of what one should do when the (presumably infallible) Fathers justify apparent heresy (the Filioque) ? This question became crucial after the Council of Florence and the fall of the Byzantine Empire. What is the definition of a Father? A saint? A disciple? Is it possible to honour a Father and yet refuse to follow him on a particular point of doctrine?
128. Chôra: Volume > 6
Gérard Sondag Jean de Damas et Jean Duns Scot sur la doctrine dite Assumptus homo
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
Cet article entend montrer comment, quand il expose la doctrine dite Assumptus homo, le philosophe et théologien latin Jean Duns Scot (1265 - 1308) prend appui sur le théologien grec Jean de Damas (c. 675 - c. 749), concernant trois points principaux: dans le Christ, la nature humaine est assumée par la personne du Verbe intégralement; elle est assumée dans un individu, non dans une personne; éternellement et temporellement. Le présent article complète l'étude des rapports entre les deux auteurs, après l'article paru dans le numéro 3-4 la revue Chôra (2005-2006), sous le titre «Jean de Damas et Jean Duns Scot surl'infinité de l'essence divine».
129. Chôra: Volume > 6
Anca Vasiliu Philosophie, rhétorique ou théologie ? Du platonisme littéraire et critique chez Grégoire de Nazianze
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
Il est question de l'analogie et de la comparaison selon la démarche dialectique platonicienne, ainsi que des topoi empruntés aux textes anciens: la chasse, le labyrinthe, le vase, la statue intérieure que l'on doit polir, le Soleil pour désigner de manière visible le Bien, ou la caverne pour rappeler la parabole de laconnaissance, mais aussi pour évoquer le lieu de transit de l'âme. Les principaux textes utilisés sont extraits des Discours théologiques de Grégoire de Nazianze. Un passage du Traité sur le Saint Esprit (149 B-C) de Basile de Césarée, cité à la fin, illustre dans un contexte un peu différent le même procédé que celui utilisé par Grégoire. Dans tous ces passages il est question de travailler le langage sous le double aspect ontologique et sémantique, afin de trouver les modalités discursives les plus appropriées à la définition de la substance divine, à la nature de l'unité divine et à la détermination du caractère spécifique des hypostases. La théologie chrétienne se sert donc des moyens de la philosophie et emprunte des figures à la rhétorique, mais se défend de toute confusion avec ces disciplines. Invente-t-elle alors un genre nouveau, le «discours théologique», sur le modèle fourni par les Cappadociens? Encore faut-il savoir si le discours pouvait être perçu au IVᵉ siècle comme un genre approprié à la théologie, ou seulement comme un contrepoint à l'exégèse et au traité: un contrepoint par lequel les Pères ne rechignent pas à faire concurrence aux Sophistes pour les besoins politiques, et subsidiairement polémiques, de l'institution nouvellement créée.
130. Chôra: Volume > 6
Francesco Paparella Immagine mimetica e immagine simbolica. Il valore delle agalmata tra Tarda-antichità e Alto Medioevo
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
The expression "image" is characterized, starting with the Greek language, by a certain ambiguity, since it can point to an iconic sign or to an allegoric-figurative sign. However it is possible to find out in the history of ancient thought an acceptation of "image" where these features are both present, that is agalma whose first meaning in the lexicon of classic Greek is "sacred image". Neoplatonism particularly uses this expression as one of the key term of its doctrine about the methods through which it is possible to reveal the divine. Agalma in that way was conceived as an iconic sign (a statue or a mimetic figure) whose morphological elements are the vehicle of allegoric meanings; these meanings then are able to refer to transcendent realities. So the capacity to reveal the God's nature is attributed to iconic image that becomes a sign no longer bound exclusively to material dimension (as it has been described, for instance, by Augustine and other late ancient and medieval thinkers).
131. Chôra: Volume > 6
Aurélien Robert Scepticisme ou renoncement au dogme?: Interpréter l'Eucharistie aux XIIᵉ et XIVᵉ siècles
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
It is well known that during the Middle Ages the Eucharist was not only a theological question but also a philosophical one. Recent studies have shown the semantical and ontological problems concerning the status of substances and accidents after the transsubstantiation. Here the paper focuses on the gnoseological problem of the Eucharist. How do we know that the substance has changed after the consecration of the host? Moreover, how do we manage to know substances in general if sometimes it changes without apparent modifications in the accidental features apprehended by our sense faculties? The aim of this paper is to show that a new dilemma appeared at the end of the 13th century between the sceptical consequences of the dogma of transsubstantiation and the necessity to abandon or at least to interpret differently the sacrament. Wyclif chose the second option while most of the theologians and philosophers tried to adapt their theory of knowledge, especially the Franciscans, to which a large part of this paper is devoted. This paper tries to assess the different solutions to this problem of the knowability of substances.
132. Chôra: Volume > 6
Kristell Trego La subsistence des existants. La contribution de Jean Scot Érigène à la constitution d'un vocabulaire latin de l'être
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
S'il reprend des thèmes chers à la patristique, Érigène adapte ces notions théologiques afin de penser non plus tant l'être divin, que l'être créé, en sa condition même de créature. Ainsi Érigène reconnaît-il aux êtres créés, qu'il nomme «existants» (existentia), une subsistence qui, si elle se fonde dans l'essence divine, s'en distingue toutefois.Quoi qu'il en soit du contexte néoplatonicien dans lequel intervient le terme subsistence (utilisé notamment pour traduire l'huparxis du Ps-Denys ou de Maxime le Confesseur), l'on ne saurait le réduire à la nomination de la venue à l'être (c'est l'existence qui évoque cette idée). Réinvestissant la notion de subsistence qui s'est construite chez ses prédécesseurs latins, notre auteur s'en sert pour faire signe vers l'idée d'une permanence de ce qui est au-delà de la procession qui luia permis d'accéder à l'être.
133. Chôra: Volume > 6
Ernesto Sergio Mainoldi Il non essere volontario: la concezione del male nella tradizione teologica e ascetica bizantina
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
Cette étude tente de définir la conception du mal dans la pensée patristique orientale et dans la théologie ascétique byzantine en rapport avec la nouvelle vision ontologique élaborée par les auteurs byzantins. Les auteurs considérés aboutissent à une synthèse entre les positions de la philosophie ancienne à l'égard du mal, qui s'efforça de lui trouver une place dans l'ordre cosmique, et la position biblique, qui situait la cause du mal seulement dans le libre choix descréatures rationnelles (hommes et anges). L'élaboration de cette synthèse amènera les Pères orientaux à une systématisation capable de surpasser les limites de l'ontologie cosmologique ancienne et de bâtir une nouvelle vision de la réalité dans laquelle la volonté joue un rôle central. Dans cette nouvelle perspective, issue de l'anthropologie biblique et des disputes christologiques, les dynamiques du mal trouvent explication dans le contexte de l'économie de la création et en vue du but de la déification trans-naturelle de l'homme, but dans le quel on peut reconnaître le fondement doctrinal soit de la théologie soit de la vie ascétique byzantine.
134. Chôra: Volume > 7/8
Luigi Catalani L’usage des catégories de l’être par Gilbert de Poitiers et les Porrétains
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
Nelle opere di Gilberto di Poitiers e dei suoi allievi più speculativi, è possibile rintracciare diverse declinazioni dell’essere, sviluppate lungo due direttriciprincipali. Dal punto di vista più squisitamente ontologico, il realismo gilbertino si presenta come un’acuta riformulazione del formalismo platonico-boeziano chetrova espressione nelle tesi della pluralità delle forme, della conformità degli individui e della partecipatio extrinseca. Da un punto di vista logico-linguistico, i Porretani riflettono con particolare acribia sulle caratteristiche e sulle componenti del sermo, elaborando un’originale teoria relativa all’applicazione criticadelle categorie umane alla natura divina. Solo la fondazione di un discorso teologico rigoroso consente dunque di tenere insieme, in un pensiero coerente eschiettamente cristiano, l’essere finito e l’Essere divino.
135. Chôra: Volume > 7/8
Alexandra Pârvan La relation en tant qu’élément-clé de l’illumination augustinienne
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
This paper proposes a new approach to Augustine’s illumination theory, understanding illumination as resulting from an act of the human being as much as from an action of God. Regardless of God’s ever present light, the human intellect is not constantly and indiscriminately illuminated. In order to explain how the human intellect attains knowledge to different degrees, and how it can resist the divine light without being actually able to deny it, I will make use of two concepts Augustine himself did not employ : the first one is relationship, the second, referring to God, is being-for-others. As being-for-others, God gives the human being not the gift of knowledge, but that of the relationship with Him (as Truth and Wisdom), by means of which the human being can attain knowledge. By placing Himself in relationship with the human being, God grants it the freedom and power to cooperate in divine actions : re-creation after the fall (formatio), illumination and salvation. If passive, the human intellect does not receive knowledge, it is only in its turning towards the ever present light of Truth that it sees the intelligible truths in the divine light, and it is able to do so to the extent of one’s good will, or one’s love (caritas). Augustine sees illumination as a joint action of God and human being, depending on human being no less than on God. The concept of relationship and the understanding of God as being-for-others explain why no illumination will take place without the active role of the human intellect, why the divine light is not coercive, and why Augustine considers the necessity of both human freedom and God’s power in the act of knowledge.
136. Chôra: Volume > 7/8
Michael Chase La subsistence néoplatonicienne. De Porphyre à Théodore de Raithu
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
Dans un fragment de son commentaire perdu sur les Catégories d’Aristote, adressé à Gédalios et transmis par Simplicius dans son propre Commentaire surles Catégories, Porphyre évoque la distinction, à première vue énigmatique, entre les termes techniques grecs huparxis et hupostasis. On avance dans laprésente contribution que des passages tirés d’une source inattendue – le De Incarnatione du moine Théodore de Raithu (VIᵉ-VIIᵉ siècle) – peuvent illuminerle sens de ce texte porphyrien. Ce résultat fournit l’occasion de quelques réflexions sur l’influence de Porphyre sur la pensée patristique.
137. Chôra: Volume > 7/8
Marilena Vlad Transcendance et causalité. Proclus sur le principe premier
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
One of the major difficulties that the Neoplatonic tradition had to face concerns the relationship between the transcendence and the causality of the first principle. As transcendent, the One – or the absolute Good – must be above the intelligible being, completely different from its nature. As the first cause of the whole reality, the One is still conceived in a certain connection to the intellect. In this article, I discuss the philosophical background of this problem and Proclus’ attempt to solve the apparent contradiction between causality and transcendence. Proclus puts these two aspects in agreement, by stressing the superiority of the principle and by making of it a non-being par excellence.
138. Chôra: Volume > 7/8
Miruna Tătaru-Cazaban Consentir à la vertu. La conversion du tyran chez Thomas d’Aquin
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
La réflexion de Thomas d’Aquin sur les régimes de la cité présente l’inconvénient que ses oeuvres politiques sont restées inachevées. Significative pour pouvoir décider de l’appartenance de Thomas d’Aquin au côté de la doctrine gélasienne ou à celle du pape Grégoire VII, la comparaison du Super Sententiisavec le traité De regno, telle qu’elle a été faite par I.T. Eschmann, n’est pas bien riche en conclusions pour la question du consentement politique. Selon la position que nous avons assumée dans notre investigation au sein des deux oeuvres de Thomas, il est possible d’affirmer que la notion de consentement n’introduit pas de fausses discontinuités entre des textes écrits à des périodes distinctes. En fin de compte, ce qui unit le Super Sententiis au De regno c’est, à notre avis, une sorte de prudence politique, issue de la lecture que Thomas d’Aquin fait des livres sapientiels de l’Ancien Testament. Sans avoir l’intention de nier les différences qui existent entre les deux textes thomasiens, il nous semble évident qu’ils dégagent plutôt la perspective d’une science politique attentive aux pratiques du temps, mais encore réservée quant aux concepts liés au consentement exprimé par le principe quod omnes tangit, principe que la prudence politique n’a pas encore assimilé.
139. Chôra: Volume > 7/8
Alexander Baumgarten Présentation du dossier
140. Chôra: Volume > 7/8
Gabriel Chindea La théorie thomiste de l’intellect agent et ses équivoques dans Summa theologica, Quaestiones disputatae de anima et De unitate intellectus
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
The objective of this article is to analyze some of the ambiguities of the Thomistic theory related to the agent intellect. Precisely, it is about those contradictionsor confusions that appeared as a consequence of Saint Thomas necessity to prove the existence and continuity of intellectual human activity after the death. These ideas are mainly found in Quaestiones disputatae de anima, where they generate two doctrines relatively opposed with regards to agent intellect, but they do not completely vanish in Summa theologica.