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21. Augustinus: Volume > 65 > Issue: 258/259
Virgilio Pacioni Reflexiones sobre la paz en el libro XIX del 'De ciuitate Dei' de san Agustín: Suposiciones antropológicas e implicaciones políticas
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The article focuses on Book XIX of Saint Augustine’s De ciuitate Dei, and states that peace is not a simple moral call, but a primary tendency of human nature. It briefly reviews the influence of Varro’s anthropological doctrine in S. Augustine’s De ciuitate Dei, highlighting the prima naturae, particularly the appetitus actionis whose finis would be precisely the pax. It is also pointed out that a complete peace cannot be achieved in earthly life, linking the concept of peace with that of ordo. The polysemic character of peace is also highlighted. It also presents that despite of the conflict that exists between the ciuitas terrena and the ciuitas Dei in the time of history, there can be a dialogue and collaboration between them to seek the common interest of social peace. In a second part, it presents the relationship between the ciuitas Dei and the laws of the earthly states, distinguishing the religious and the earthly realms, illustrating this distinction with the position of Saint Augustine in the conflict with the Donatists and the Imperial Laws. Finally, a reflection on the positive law and the eternal law is presented.
22. Augustinus: Volume > 65 > Issue: 258/259
23. Augustinus: Volume > 65 > Issue: 258/259
Índice General: Vol. LXV-2020
24. Augustinus: Volume > 66 > Issue: 260/261
Enrique A. Eguiarte John J. Oldfield (1933-2021): In Pace
25. Augustinus: Volume > 66 > Issue: 260/261
Giuseppe Caruso Agustín y la Biblia griega en las 'Enarrationes in Psalmos'
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The article presents a summary of the ideas of different scholars concerning the real knowledge that Saint Augustine had of the Greek Language, to point out that the competence of Saint Augustine was increasing over the years. It also addresses the relationship between Saint Augustine and Saint Jerome regarding the translations of the Bible, and the value that Saint Augustine attributed to the LXX text. Subsequently, some examples taken from the 'enarrationes in Psalmos' help to stress the work of the augustinian emendatio of the Latin text, taking as point of departure the Greek text, as well as the use the Greek text in Augustine’s own textual interpretation of the psalms.
26. Augustinus: Volume > 66 > Issue: 260/261
Bruno N. D’Andrea 'In domo disciplinae': una relectura integral del 'De disciplina christiana' de Agustín de Hipona
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The article offers a comprehensive reading of Augustine’s 'De disciplina christiana'. After an introduction, the article makes a review of the studies on the 'De disciplina christiana'. Afterwards, the article presents a rhetorical analysis of the Work, stressing particularly the inuentio and the dispositio. In a third part, the article presents a careful examination of the contents of 'De disciplina christiana'. Finally, the article presents a comprehensive reading of 'De disciplina christiana', letting aside ethical or moral aspects, and mainly highlighting its ecclesiological elements in relationship to other works of Augustine, both earlier and contemporary to the 'De disciplina christiana'. The article finally offers some conclusions, stressing the possibilities of research on Augustine’s 'De disciplina christiana'.
27. Augustinus: Volume > 66 > Issue: 260/261
Enrique A. Eguiarte, Mauricio Saavedra 'Ecclesia, sponsa Christi': La eclesiología en el libro XV del 'Contra Faustum' de Agustín de Hipona: Un diálogo con la Iglesia
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In this article, Book XV of 'Contra Faustum' is approached to present the various ecclesiological ideas of Faustus and Saint Augustine, behind which there are two different hypotexts of the Book of Revelation. Faustus starts from the text of Rev 21:9, which presents the Church as sponsa and uxor, that is to say of an ecclesiology that has as point of departure a consummated eschatology which is on the way to perfection. Saint Augustine starts from the text of Rev 21:2 and 22:17, where the Church is presented as sponsa, with an ecclesiology of an eschatology not yet consummated, of the 'schon jetz aber noch nicht', where the Church lives in the hope of becoming the uxor Christi in the kingdom of heaven, when the time of the nuptiae arrives. On the other hand, the fact that Saint Augustine within the Contra Faustum never calls the group of Manicheans with the word ecclesia, but only with terms such as societas or congregatio, is underlined. The article alludes to the Christological insights of Book XV of 'Contra Faustum'. The other allusions to the Church as sponsa and uxor Christi in Book XXII of 'Contra Faustum' are also studied, in order to point out again the augustinian ecclesiological idea of an eschatology not yet consummated, and the fact that the Church is also, according to Saint Augustine, the Sister of Christ.
28. Augustinus: Volume > 66 > Issue: 260/261
Pablo Irizar La imagen de Dios como mito del origen: Un ensayo crítico de la investigación actual sobre la interpretación de Agustín del texto de Gn 1, 26 (387-400)
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This essay offers a critical survey of recent research into Augustine’s interpretation of Gn 1.26. The first part contextualizes the discussion within the broader landscape of world creation narratives and origin myths. Against this background, the second part analyzes recent learned discussion on Augustine’s (anti-Manichean) interpretation of Gn 1.26 for the period 387-400. By way of preface, the study offers a concise state of the art on the study of Gn 1.26 in the work of Augustine. The survey suggests the image of God functions as an origin myth during the period in question. The conclusion suggests exploring the neglected communal embedding of Augustine’s interpretation of Gn 1:26 as a fruitful venue for future research.
29. Augustinus: Volume > 66 > Issue: 260/261
Kolawole Chabi Espiritualidad eucarística en los Sermones de Pascua de san Agustín
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This article studies Augustine’s Eucharistic Spirituality as it emerges from primarily from his preaching, in his catechesis during the Easter Season. It investigates how the bishop of Hippo explains the transformation that makes bread and wine into the Body and Blood of Christ to the neophytes. It further considers the spiritual disposition necessary for the reception of the sacrament and its effects in the life of those who worthily share in the Sacred Banquet. Finally, the article explores the link Augustine establishes between the Eucharist and the Church to demonstrate the importance of Unity among those who approach the altar of the Lord.
30. Augustinus: Volume > 66 > Issue: 260/261
Paola Marone La metáfora de la 'ecclesia mater' en la literatura antidonatista
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The modern scholars have studied the maternity of the Church independently from the anti-Donatist literature. But a careful study of the anti-Donatist documents reveals many interesting elements. According to Optatus and Augustine the notion of mother was abscribed to all believers, because the body of Christ was formed of all those the Church bore as children through the baptism. According to both African bishops also the donatists gave a valid baptism, but only Augustine demonstrated how the salvation could be found outside of the viscera Ecclesiae. Then this article deals with the image of the Ecclesia mater as illustrated in the Adversus Donatistas of Optatus published in answer to the donatist bishop Parmenianus and in all that Augustine penned against the schismatics (Tractatus, Sermones, Epistulae). By doing so, it presents a picture of the African theology of the fourth century.
31. Augustinus: Volume > 66 > Issue: 260/261
Joost Van Neer La construcción de la fe en Agustín. Los dos modelos de discurso en el 'De catechizandis rudibus' de Agustín
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Augustine’s 'De catechizandis rudibus' consists of two sections: a theoretical section and a practical section. In the practical section the guidelines given in the theoretical section are illustrated by means of two model speeches, a longer one and a shorter one. It is commonly thought that the shorter speech is an abbreviated version or a summary of the longer speech. In this article I aim to show that this is not the case. Although a study of the structure of the speeches shows that both are set up the same way in accordance with the guidelines given, the tenor of the speeches is markedly different. Listening to the shorter speech does not impart the same information as listening to the longer speech.
32. Augustinus: Volume > 66 > Issue: 260/261
Marius A. Van Willigen El 'De paradiso' de Ambrosio: una fuente de inspiración para Agustín de Hipona
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The theological influence of Ambrose of Milan on Augustine is often underestimated. Some of this influence is demonstrated in this short case-study bymeans of a rather direct question: Did Augustine use Ambrose’s 'De paradiso' in 'De peccato originali'?
33. Augustinus: Volume > 66 > Issue: 260/261
34. Augustinus: Volume > 64 > Issue: 252/253
Kimberly F. Baker Basilio y Agustín: Predicando sobre el cuidado de los pobres
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In their preaching on care for the poor, Basil and Augustine call for a transformation of one’s relationships. While the Roman patronage system rested on relationships of privilege and dependency, Basil and Augustine cultivate a different type of relationship between the giver and receiver of charity, a relationship based not on status and need but on a shared life and identity. For Basil, that relationship is rooted in the common humanity of all people, regardless of economic or social status. Giving is natural in Basil’s worldview because humanity shares in a common human nature and thus holds all goods in common. Those who fail to share with others risk cutting themselves off from their human nature. Basil’s call to care for the poor is a call to recognize that to be human is to share in what is κοινός, held in common. And for Augustine, the relationship of giver and receiver is grounded in Christ. In loving others, Christians come to discover Christ not only present in them, by virtue of their baptism, but also present in those they serve, wherever there is human need, as promised in Matthew 25. Augustine draws the attention of Christians to those in need, including those outside the usual ties of kinship and citizenship, and even church membership, and teaches them to see in the poor, people of dignity, defined not by dependency but by Christ’s loving solidarity. In laying claim to a common bond between giver and receiver, Basil and Augustine offer a counter-cultural social vision in which giver and receiver are defined not by power or need, but by mutuality and love.
35. Augustinus: Volume > 64 > Issue: 252/253
Andrea Bizzozero Beati mundicordes (Mt 5, 8). Conciencia, conocimiento y Visio Dei en Agustín antes del 411
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This article examines the link between the purity of the heart, conscience, knowledge and uisio dei. In Mt. 5:8 the vision and knowledge of God derive from a particular situation of the human heart. The vision-heart pair invites one to reflect on the anthropological structure and the conditions of possibility of the process of knowledge. The main questions here would be: How can one know God? Which faculties does one need in order to know Him? Which are the roles of the mind, the heart and the will in this knowledge? Why Augustine uses Mt. 5:8 to speak about the knowledge of God? At the same time, the expression beati mundicordes invites one to reflect on the qualities of the human condition in order to see-know God. In other words: Which features must the heart have in order to see God? If, on the one hand, it is necessary to know the starting point of this knowledge, on the other hand, it is important to show why it is in human nature to want to see God. This article will analyze the occurrences of the quotation of Mt. 5:8 in Augustine’s works before 411 in order to understand the meaning of the expression beati mundicordes and the conditions of possibility of the uisio dei. This study will investigate the Mt. 5:8 references particularly in De fide et symbolo, De sermone domini in monte, Contra Adimantum, De diuersis quaestionibus octoginta tribus, Contra epistulam Manichaei, De agone, Contra Faustum, Contra Felicem, Sancta uirginitate, ep. 92, ep. 130 and Sermo 88.
36. Augustinus: Volume > 64 > Issue: 252/253
Carles Buenacasa ¿Por qué «suicidas» en lugar de «mártires»?: Agustín y la persecución de los donatistas
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Catholic and Donatist sources demonstrate the importance that Donatism attached to the veneration of martyrs, whose acts were read during the feasts dedicated to them. This cult was one of the uestigia ecclesiae that linked Catholicism and Donatism. Therefore, it was important for Catholics to prove that not all those who were said to have died in the name of Christ should be considered martyrs. Augustine’s literary activity displayed a plethora of arguments seeking to show Donatists that these dotes ecclesiae did not really benefit them: martyres non facit poena, sed causa (c. Cresc. 3, 47, 51). At the same time, he strove to invalidate the justification of martyrdom that Donatists used to take from the Book of the Maccabees (Razias’ episode). According to Augustine, the tombs of Donatist martyrs came to be considered special pilgrimage sites due to the miracles and apparitions that were said to take place there. Such pilgrimages were an important source of income for the Donatist Church, generated by accommodations, religious souvenirs, food, and clothing of the pilgrims. These incomes were vital for the survival of the Donatist Church, since, unlike the Catholic Church, it could not count on imperial patronage. If the Donatists were deprived of private patronage they would end up in serious financial trouble. This article aims to analyze the Catholic/Donatist debates around the concept of martyrdom as well as the economical background underlying the efforts made by Catholics to present Donatist martyrs as mere suicides.
37. Augustinus: Volume > 64 > Issue: 252/253
Gaetano Colantuono Quid faciunt hirci in grege Dei? Parenética, polémica e historia social en el s. 47 de Agustín
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The article deals with s. 47, stressing the lexical, linguistic, rhetoric, symbolic, argumentative aspects, related to three main topics: 1) The exegetical and controversial elements of the symbolic value of goats (hirci); (2) the analysis of the vocabulary and of the polemical antidonatist motives in the homily; (3) the legal influence (also at the lexical level) as part of the controversial christian homiletics in post-Theodosian age.
38. Augustinus: Volume > 64 > Issue: 252/253
Enrique A. Eguiarte Conscientia (…) itineribus (...) in sapientiam. Conscientia en las primeras obras de san Agustín (388-395)
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The article deals with the use of the term conscienta in S. Augustine’s early writings (388-395), namely the third book of De libero arbitrio, the first 32 enarrationes in Psalmos and De sermone Domini in monte, to trace the development of the idea of conscientia, and the shift from an anthropological concept of conscientia (coscientia mortalitatis/ conscientia itineribus) to a Theological and Moral dimension (conscientia bona/mala) in St. Augustine’s first works as a young Priest at Hippo, namely in De sermone Domini in monte, where the Moral aspects of conscientia are underlined.
39. Augustinus: Volume > 64 > Issue: 252/253
Marianne Djuth La polémica sobre la conciencia moral en Agustín
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In this essay I explore the implications of Augustine’s notion of moral conscience in the polemical treatises written during the late 300’s and the early 400’s. During this period Augustine found himself locked in controversy with both the Manichaeans and the Donatists over the fundamental truths of the Christian faith. Against this background I examine Augustine’s understanding of conscience with reference to Faustus of Milevis and Petilian of Constantine. With respect to Faustus of Milevis, I situate Augustine’s understanding of conscience in the context of his adaptation of the notion of conscience found in Paul’s Pastoral Epistles to his repudiation of the Manichaeans in three key passages: 1Tim. 1:5, 1Tim. 4:1-3, and Tit. 1:15. In the case of Petilian of Constantine I investigate the meaning of conscience in relation to three major themes found in Petilian’s letters: the subjective disposition of conscience, the hiddenness of conscience, and the responsibility for the subjective disposition of conscience. Finally, I conclude the essay by reflecting more generally on the meaning and use of the notion of conscience in polemical disputes. Not only does Augustine develop a notion of conscience that addresses personal and ecclesial concerns, but he also characterizes conscience as both stable and malleable.
40. Augustinus: Volume > 64 > Issue: 252/253
Susanna Elm Vendido al pecado por medio del origo. Agustín de Hipona y el comercio de esclavos en la Roma tardía
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Toward the end of his life, Augustine of Hippo wrote two letters (10* and 24*) to legal experts in which he reacted to recent attempts by slave-traders to sell 120 Roman North Africans «overseas» as slaves. Prompted by the fact that members of his clergy had offered them refuge in the episcopal compound at Hippo, Augustine sought to clarify the actual personal legal status of these men, women, and children. Were they slaves, coloni, or illegally captured free Roman citizens? What were their actual temporal, legal, personal conditions? Such concerns surrounding the condicio hominum temporalis, brought to light as a result of selling human beings, and their relevance and ramifications for Augustine’s thoughts and actions, especially with regard to the sin to which we are sold per originem of the First Man, are the focus of my remarks.