The vow of poverty is essential to many religious orders—as is their relationship to the actual people who are marginalized and poor in their context. This article traces the origin of Ignatius of Loyola’s embrace of poverty and its transferal to the Society of Jesus he founded. It follows the challenge of maintaining that commitment considering the principle ministry of the Society in education. Finally, it notes developments in the past 60 years for how “faith and justice” are framed and understood. Ignatius’ preference for Jesuits to live in proximity to the poor is certainly challenged in the U.S. context of higher education.

This essay describes an undergraduate course, “Christian Ethics of War and Peace,” taught for more than two decades at a Catholic university. I first situate the course within the debate between just war philosophers Michael Walzer and Jeff McMahan on the moral equivalency of soldiers and the right of conscientious objection to unjust war. The development of SCO (selective conscientious objection) in the Catholic tradition is traced from Augustine to John Paul II. The Sic et Non of Abelard is invoked as a precedent for the course pedagogy, in which students are asked to develop and articulate their own personal conscience in light of the long-standing tension between arguments for pacifism and for just war. Borrowing from contemporary cognitive psychology, this task is described as one of “reflective judgment” regarding an “ill-structured problem.” The major writing assignment is described and one student’s testimony on its challenge is offered.

Spinoza’s defense of a dynamic democracy arises from his account of finite beings, and shifts from finite beings to ever more complex bodies, such as the human individual and the artificial individual of the state. In this account, he challenges political authority to be responsive to the insight that our power arises out of rather than in spite of our multiplicity. Spinoza’s conception of social power provides a critical understanding of democratic organization that requires the incorporation of marginalized voices. In this essay, I argue that Spinoza’s defense of democracy sets the framework for political theorizing that rejects hierarchical structures of domination and demands substantial inclusivity in the service of empowered and peaceful social relations. In conceiving autonomy relationally and individual power collectively, Spinoza poses a critical challenge to the contemporary models of democracy and social orders that resist rather than harness the strength of social multiplicity in the preservation of empowered peace.

This article examines the perceptions and experiences of 120 participants interviewed in Northern Ireland and the Border Counties in 2010 regarding community peacebuilding, and the future of community-based projects. The respondents shared their thoughts on the projects and program initiatives funded by the European Union Peace and Reconciliation or Peace III Fund and the International Fund for Ireland. They discussed the impacts of external aid on the community peacebuilding process as well as the long-term sustainability of projects. This study explores the narratives of community leaders and program development officers from Derry and the Border Counties. The findings emphasize that while the participants noted that the external aid contributed to promoting community peacebuilding, there is a lot more to be addressed in terms of cross-community interaction. Additionally, there is an uncertainty regarding the sustainability of many project initiatives once the funds end. As a result of such insecurity, there is a concern regarding the stability of peace in the region.

This article draws on qualitative research to examine Mohajir women’s construction of and understanding of their ethnopolitical Mohajir identity in the port city of Karachi, Pakistan, The Mohajir identity is constructed around a shared language amongst individuals with historically diverse backgrounds, and has proven to be a potent yet divisive ethnopolitical identity. The article argues that in order to assuage the grievances of the Mohajirs, sociopolitical steps such as elimination of the job quota system must be taken by the government in order for sustainable peace to be achieved.

Liberal peacebuilding, a dominant form of peacebuilding since the post-Cold War era, has involved multifaceted approaches, countless resources, multiple actors and significant efforts and yet, because of its standardized model and exclusion of local culture, resources and actors it has failed to achieve sustainable peace and development. Local peacebuilding practices, on the other hand, are mostly inclusive and culturally relevant but are not immune to power abuse, exclusion and inhumane practices. This essay explores the possibility of utilizing hybrid peacebuilding—collaboration of local and international actors and resources—to attain sustainable peace in conflict-ridden countries. It commences with a critique of liberal peacebuilding. It then analyzes the notion of hybridity and hybrid peacebuilding, and seeks to answer why hybrid peacebuilding seems to be an emancipatory alternative to liberal peacebuilding.

As a result of the perception that newcomer youths are inherently dangerous, there is a limited understanding of the systemic factors in Canadian society that contribute to newcomer youths susceptibility to involvement in criminal activity or violence. Therefore, there is also limited information about what can be done to better support newcomer youths that are vulnerable to involvement in dangerous or illegal activity. It is my contention that while existing research is valuable in that it discusses how family, education, and community impact newcomer youth violence, the degree to which these factors are systemic is under-represented. In order to adequately intervene and prevent newcomer youth violence and criminal activity it is necessary to avoid demonizing the individual and, instead, focus on holding public policy accountable and changing social, political, and economic systems.

Over the past thirty years, transitional justice scholars have grappled with whether, and to what extent, post-conflict societies should foster forgiveness. In response to this question, this article argues that forgiveness is a legitimate goal of transitional justice, but that interpersonal forgiveness cannot be mandated by the government. It will look to the example of Guatemala to demonstrate how the recovery of narrative truth through individual and communal acts of remembrance enabled forgiveness while at the same time affirmed the need for justice. The article proceeds in two parts. First, it explores the praxis of forgiveness and the role of narrative truth and the healing of memory as constitutive elements of forgiveness. Second, it argues that Guatemala’s Recovery of Historical Memory Project (REMHI) is an illustration of this praxis. Finally, this article argues against conceptions of forgiveness that promote forgetting the past and forgoing justice.

While most studies on the Abrahamic religions focus on the community of believers, this paper explores aspects of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam that foster “peace within” for the individual believer. It brings all three traditions into conversation with one another and is grounded in the understanding that the believer must find inner peace before s/he can make peace with the larger world. Given that Jews, Christians, and Muslims share a common spiritual ancestor Abraham, this study draws upon their theological narratives of the Creation Story, which highlights understandings of God and His relationship with humankind. For the believer, this relationship aids in the validation of others and fosters self-discovery in ways that lead to empowerment, helping the believer to find that small space in her wide-awake world where she can act.

Naomi Zack’s Inclusive Feminism: A Third Wave Theory of Women’s Commonality (2005) begins with an original reading of the paradigm shift from gender essentialism to intersectionality that ended U.S. second wave feminism. According to Zack there has been a crisis in academic and professional feminism since the late 1970s. Her project is to explain the motivation behind the shift from commonality to intersectionality, to outline its harmful effects, and to reclaim the idea that all women share something in common (2005, 2). To accomplish this Zack careful retools essentialism in ways that simultaneously acknowledge women’s differences and dodge what she perceives to be intersectionality’s fragmenting effects. This paper addresses Zack’s critique of intersectionality and her effort to ground a feminist empathy-based solidarity in women’s commonalities. My discussion begins with a basic account of intersectionality. I explore Zack’s reasons for rejecting this popular approach by replying to her two strongest arguments against intersectionality: (1) that intersectionality complicates the category woman by multiplying genders beyond necessity, and (2) that intersectionality has a segregating effect on feminist political movements. I argue that Zack’s inclusive feminism generates an oversimplified account of empathy and thus fails to engage the tensions among feminist movements that intersectionality makes visible. I conclude that her account requires a more robust epistemology of empathy if political solidarity is to be grounded in the FMP category.

This article reviews four papers presented at the 33rd Annual Richard R. Baker Colloquium in Philosophy that was held at the University of Dayton on March 6-8, 2008. The second section reflects on the current form of these papers from a pedagogical perspective that emphasizes the importance of continual reflection on the conceptualization of intersectionality, the importance of reflecting on practices which may prevent us from the practice of intersectional understanding and action, and the theoretical and pedagogical need to continue to be attentive to the discourse of the dominant and how this discourse constructs our social and political realities as well as our individual identities.

“Veiled Resistance” explores the relationship between discourse and power through the figure of the veiled woman. Ingram argues that while veiled women historically have been produced as Other in Orientalist discourse, they also have subverted these dominant representations by manipulating the significations of the veil. Using the example of veiling practices employed by Algerian womenduring the Algerian Revolution (1954-1962), as well as the recent actions of Muslim women in Europe who are choosing to defy the law by veiling and, in some cases, re-veiling themselves after a long period without doing so, Ingram examines the veil as a counter-discursive object. While religious, patriarchal, and colonial ideologies attempt to exploit, albeit in different ways, the women’sactions vis-à-vis the veil, these women can be seen to renegotiate the limits of representation through a conscious manipulation of the discourse that has attempted to discipline them and create new possibilities of embodiment.

In this essay I argue for the role of positive, community-based black identities (in the plural) in the creation and maintenance of black solidarity. I argue against Tommie Shelby’s attempts to reduce the notion of black identity as it relates to solidarity from something social or cultural to something entirely political—“thin” black identity. As an alternative, I propose a model for the relationship between “thin” and “thicker” (social or cultural) identities based on Rawls’ contention that the stability of overlapping political consensus isproduced by different groups’ adherence to, rather than denial of, a plurality of comprehensive doctrines. I also discuss the benefits of positive, community-based black identities in terms of “black love” and show why, even if not possessed by each and every black American, such identities are ultimately indispensible to any black solidarity project.

In his book The Unfinished Project, Lorenzo Simpson articulates a hermeneutical model for understanding across difference that stresses the importance of analogies. While noting much that is helpful in his account, in this paper I question Simpson’s emphasis on analogical reasoning. After detailing Simpson’s approach, I explore some problems with analogies as a route to understanding. I examine some assumptions behind the idea that one must analogize from what one already understands in order to expand thatunderstanding. In particular I argue that, while in some cases it can be helpful, it is not necessary to use analogies in order to understand another who does not share one’s social position, culture, or worldview, and, perhaps more importantly, it is never sufficient. Moreover, attempting to locate correspondences between oneself and another may in some cases undermine the ability toform the kind of practical relationship that understanding across difference requires. Understanding another is best described, not as requiring analogies between self and other, but rather as requiring a practical relation, a type of relation that I will detail further in the second half of this paper.