This article argues that the US school system is partly to blame for the mutilated educational dreams among African-born war refugee students resettled in the United States. Feeling mistreated, unprotected, and unsupported, these students have slim chances to integrate successfully in the public school system. Evidence from research and first-hand refugee testimonies provide an insight into the factors that blockade the educational success for “multiple-stop” refugeechildren, that is, refugees who move from one camp to another before reaching final destination. Included among these factors are: overlooked interruptedschooling, social/peer rejection, and unmet special needs. Recommendations stress the need for a reform in school policy and administration to ensure thatrefugee children receive the dignity they crave and the support they need in order to progress educationally, and eventually achieve their utmost dreams.

In an article published in the Journal of Political Philosophy, Cass Sunstein and Adrian Vermeule argue that the government and its allies ought to activelyundermine groups that espouse conspiracy theories deemed “demonstrably false.” They propose infiltrating such groups in order to “cure” conspiracy theorists by treating their “crippled epistemology” with “cognitive diversity.” They base their proposal on an analysis of the “causes” of such conspiracy theories, which emphasizes informational and reputational cascades. Some may regard their proposal as outrageous and anti-democratic. I agree. However, in this article I merely argue that their argument is flawed in at least the following ways: (1) their account of the popularity of conspiracy theories is implausible, and (2) their proposal relies on misleading “stylized facts,” including a caricature of those who doubt official narratives and a deceptive depiction of the relevant history.

As an adherent to the U.N.’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the United States has made a commitment to social justice. As a part of this commitment, the U.S. maintains that the right to an education is both innate and compulsory. This paper addresses U.S. government’s failure to uphold its citizens’ educational rights, made clear by the inadequacy of the educational programs currently offered to juvenile offenders. Based on the findings of recent scholarly literature, this paper argues that both juvenile and adult correctional institutions lack the resources necessary to provide proper educational instruction and adequately address the special educational needs of juvenile offenders. To help the U.S. maintain its commitment to social justice, alternatives to juvenile incarceration are proposed.

Roman Catholic teaching on torture has undergone evolution. At one time the Church endorsed the use of torture in trials and investigations. Today theproscription of torture is absolute, according to the Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church. What accounts for this development? This essaymaintains that Catholicism’s increased appreciation for the centrality of freedom to the experience of human dignity provides the rationale for the church’steaching on torture. While utilitarian and other forms of argument may be used by opponents to torture, the Catholic argument is fundamentally deontological.Contemporary forms of torture have as their aim the breakdown of a victim’s inner freedom. For that reason torture, as it is practiced today, is judged to beespecially antithetical to the Catholic understanding of the image of God within the person, the exercise of freedom as self-determination.

This essay presents the analysis of conflict history over freshwater in several drainage basins across the planet. As will be demonstrated in this essay, unilateral water policies have proved to reduce the role and prospect of water treaties and international water sharing regimes, and led to political tensions and conflicts. Using the case studies of conflict history in the Aral Sea Basin, the Jordan River Basin, the Ganges-Brahmaputra River system and the Tigris-Euphrates River Basin, the author assesses a conflict potential and underscores that the necessity for sustained basin wide water treaties will increase along with the growing demand for freshwater. The central argument of the essay is that unilateral diversions of water flows will instigate wars between riparian states because of the rising demand for freshwater in the future.

Peter Maurin, a French, itinerant immigrant, known, if at all, as co-founder with Dorothy Day of the Catholic Worker movement plies his pedagogy from the margins of society, identifying with the poor of the Depression. He believes his vocation is to awaken the poor and professionals alike to reconstruct a personalist democracy and restore its spiritual foundation, Remarkably resonate with John Dewey’s experiential learning, Jane Addams’ Hull House initiative, and the Brazilian educator and theologian Paulo Freire’s theory of humankind’s vocation to humanize the world, Maurin critiques education as “knowing more and more about less and less” and not relating knowledge to the real world. Today Dewey and Freire influence progressive experiential pedagogy, but most progressive educators are unacquainted with Maurin’s radical vision. Yet, Maurin speaks as trenchantly to our own time of socio-economic, ideological, and moral crisis as he did to the crises of the 1930s. This paper seeks to recover Maurin’s pedagogy for critical theory’s work of educating today’s students—and the world, in general—to a deep consciousness of the workings of society, for restructuring the social order, and for solidarity with those who suffer from structural injustice. For Maurin, solidarity with the impoverished and marginalized is the site of both deep knowing and transformative power. This solidarity is the bedrock of Maurin’s teaching—propagated among the cast-offs at Columbus Circle to academics on Boston Commons, to the storefront and tenement schools he established, to his outdoor university, to forums, symposia, and nightly round-table discussions. With poetic phrasing, he casts his thought as “points” in what becomes known as “easy essays.” While those from the academic mainstream publish in respected journals, Maurin, from the margins, tacks up his essays in public places and even mails them to reluctant listeners. Working out the practical implications of his vision, he offers a particular angle on the world, and a prophetic pedagogy for the gravitas of our time.

Following Oliver Ramsbotham’s observation that conflict resolution and analysis have not taken radical disagreement seriously enough, and in light of his lament that he has not yet found an adequate philosophy of radical disagreement, this article claims that the philosophy of Alasdair MacIntyre provides some coreelements of any adequate philosophy of radical disagreement. MacIntyre’s theory suggests that the problem of radical disagreement is in fact more radical thanRamsbotham affirms. Ramsbotham’s account of the strategic engagement of discourses (SED) approach is critiqued in light of MacIntyre’s diagnosis of radical disagreement, which calls into question its theoretical and philosophical basis. The main problem is held to be that of internal radical disagreement, which SED appears to skirt over. This is elucidated through a brief exploration of two philosophical approaches to moral-political disagreement in relation to Israeli peace activism and the Colombian conflict.

When the Norwegian Nobel Committee announced United States of America President Barack Obama as the recipient of the 2009 Nobel Peace Prize, manycommentators quickly questioned the choice. Conservatives in particular argued that Obama had not yet accomplished anything to warrant such recognition. Such remarks promoted a perspective that creates a dichotomy between words and action, between rhetoric and policies. However, this rhetorical analysisconsiders four important rhetorical acts by Obama that involved more than just words but actual progress toward peace. The four speeches by Obama analyzedare his inaugural address, his address in Prague on nuclear weapons, his speech at Cairo University, and his speech to the United Nations. Implications areconsidered concerning the importance of scholars examining peace rhetoric.

External economic aid has played an important role in Northern Ireland’s peacebuilding process, particularly by funding community-based intervention projects.As a consequence of the Troubles, Northern Ireland suffered from severe socioeconomic inequality. These locally funded projects have fostered social cohesion by encouraging cross community interaction aimed at reducing violence and sectarianism. The NGO projects also promote social justice, reduce inequality, and provide the means to meet people’s basic human needs. The field research for this article was conducted during the summer of 2010 and explores the perceptions of 120 civil society leaders and funding agency development officers on the effectiveness of the aid from the IFI and EU Peace III Fund in creating local social-economic NGOs to promote equity, equality, and social justice. The findings of this study reveal significant diversity in the respondents’ descriptions of the aids’s role in promoting equality, equity, and social justice as well as their expressed hopes and frustrations regarding its overall effectiveness.

This article begins by unfolding Thomas Berry’s notion of Pax Gaia, using the concept as a key to unlock cogent aspects of his geobiological thought. Then, suggesting an addition to John Howard Yoder’s typologies, the authors argue that Berry’s vision of the peace of the Earth can be categorized as a “the pacifism of religious cosmology.” Berry’s cosmology of peace is then grounded with reference to concrete issues of ecojustice, with a particular focus on the interrelated concepts of “biocide” and “geocide.” The article ends by highlighting the need for reinvention of the human, which emerges from the moral imperatives associated with the pacifism of religious cosmology.

The habits of direct violence in U.S. society continue to pose dangerous and dehumanizing trends. As scholars and activists cultivate alternatives to the use ofviolence, a key need involves providing direct experience for U.S. residents to explore and see the power of unarmed civilian peacekeeping. In this paper I ask the following questions: How can the international unarmed civilian peacekeeping models influence the U.S. in the form of domestic peace teams? What are the accomplishments and the challenges for local peace teams with an eye toward further development? First, I describe some broad trends in the international work of unarmed civilian peacekeeping. Second, I analyze the accomplishments and challenges for the Michigan Peace Team and Ceasefire in Chicago. Third, I integrate these insights to recommend key contributions from each program toward developing more domestic peace teams. I briefly provide a recent example and analysis of implementing these recommendations in the DC Peace Team.

State dignitaries and United Nations delegates draw inspiration from a diverse body of philosophical, political, and religious sources as they attempt to produce substantive change throughout the world, or, less altruistically, to further the agendas of their respective nations. The Bible is no stranger to the international body; indeed, it is frequently referenced by U.N. delegates and visiting dignitaries. Its incorporation into monumental architecture near the New York headquarters and its appearance upon artwork at the U.N. complex causes one passage, Isaiah 2:4, to be of particular importance, functioning as the unofficial standard by which the organization is judged. In the analysis that follows, both the unofficial and official roles of the Bible in U.N. discourse, as well as the corpus’ impact on individuals and organizations affiliated with the international organization, will be examined, demonstrating the pervasiveness of both testaments in United Nations affairs.

The emergence of sophisticated cyber weapons such as Stuxnet and Flame, and widespread offensive cyber-operations revealed in documents leaked byEdward Snowden, pose challenges not only to international security and civilian infrastructure, but blur the distinction between violence and nonviolence, confusing the ethical discourse of cyber war and muting public discourse and resistance. Rethinking cyber war as destabilizing nonviolence reveals the moralambiguities and contested ontology of cyber weapons, heightens awareness of their conflicted linguistic representation and challenges the vantage point of “theresponsible actor” in justifying cyber war attacks. Such heightened awareness of the ontological and ethical complexity of cyber weapons makes room forreasoned public discourse and strategies of resistance to clandestine cyber war and to justified use arguments that defend cyber weapons as nonviolent.

This paper works through issues of moral psychology and Just War Theory to provide a framework for evaluating affective responses to killing in war. In lightof the second anniversary of Osama bin Laden’s death, it seems especially appropriate to examine our responses to this event. Weaving together the Just War accounts of Augustine and Walzer, and a cognitive-constructivist theory of emotions presented by thinkers such as Martha Nussbaum and Charles Taylor, I have developed an account of the moral and practical importance of cultivating proper emotional responses to killing in war, based on what I call “humanistic intuitions” that stem from an innate sense of common morality. It is my contention that recognizing and maintaining these humanistic intuitions is not only morally right, but also is necessary for facilitating healing from the psychological trauma of war.

Although the current consensus judgment on world government is highly negative, Alexander Wendt’s 2003 article in the European Journal of International Relations, entitled “Why a World State Is Inevitable,” has generated significant interest within the international relations (IR) profession. However, it may be that debating the inevitability thesis represents a misallocation of intellectual resources. The important question is not whether world government is inevitable or not, but rather whether it is desirable or not. And the question of desirability depends critically on the nature of the proposed world government. Up to this point, most discussion of world government, pro and con, proceeds from the assumption that the world government would be the “omnipotent world state” of traditional world federalist thinking: a very powerful and centralized state entity that would stand in relation to its component nations much as the federal government of the United States stands in relation to the component states. But more recent contributions focus on a limited world government, in which the component nations would retain such rights as unilateral withdrawal and independent military forces. A far more interesting case may be made for a limited—as opposed to an unlimited—federal world government.

Using hermeneutics, syllogistic reasoning, and critical thinking, this article examines social implications of Christ’s mediation for peacemaking in Africa. The main arguments and conclusions in the article rely on the author’s hermeneutics of Saint John’s gospel, John 14:6, and on the analysis of observations and open-ended interviews conducted from 1990 through 2010 in fifty Catholics parishes across twelve African countries on the role of the Church in African societies. The article addresses questions on the implications of Christ’s mediation for the Church, by articulating cross-arguments around two main points to demonstrate how Christ’s mediation requires that the Church engages more into peacemaking activities in conflict-affected countries in Africa. The first part of the article enhances Jesus’ way as an effective way of mediation for peacemaking. The second part develops some implications of Christ’s mediation for his followers with recommendations for the Church in war-torn societies in Africa.

Does school teach peace? School is a place where we learn values and attitudes - a transmission belt - a social institution that can generate common standards and moral ideals from how we learn (pedagogy) and what we learn (curriculum). This mixed-method analysis utilizes directive (qualitative) and summative (quantitative) content analysis to scrutinize the national curricular statements of England (Early Years Learning and Stage 1-4) to explore whether three elements common in peace education programs appear: recognition of violence (direct, structural or cultural); addressing conflict nonviolently; and, creating the conditions of positive peace. It finds limited evidence in both documents that the English National Curriculum contains content conducive to creating positive peace, minimal content that transmits techniques for transforming conflict nonviolently, and, despite abundant examples of violent acts, there is either norecognition of violence (Stage 1-4) or primarily nominal references to direct violence (Early Learning).

Pope Francis urges us to reject the throwaway culture and instead embrace a culture of solidarity. A primary virtue in Catholic social teaching, solidarityrequires building relationships founded upon equal human dignity, experience and vulnerability are required. This creates certain challenges for teaching andlearning about global solidarity within the confines of a classroom. In this article, I highlight three pedagogical tools I use to create space for experience andvulnerability. Without physically leaving Queens, NY, students begin learning to be in solidarity with others through digitally engaging multiple stories, onlinesimulations, and academic service learning.