The aim of this study is to analyse a passage of the pseudoepigraphic Carmen de resurrectione (vv. 278-292) which relates to insipientes, interpreted as those who do not accept that the rational observation of nature proves the existence of a unique creator God. Such a refusal is believed to make them worthy of eternal damnation. The resulting concept of sapientia involves both ratio and voluntas; it is also connected with gnoseology and soteriology. A similar concept can be found in the Aquitanian poetry of the fifth century and in the theology of the so-called Semipelagians. This similarity calls into question the traditional dating and the supposed area of origin of the Carmen.

This article aims through a study of the epigraphy of Pope Damasus (366-384), to reconstruct the ideal society that was shown to the pilgrim who went to the loca sanctorum in the Urbs. Taking into account the pastoral, political and ideological elements of Damasian epigraphy, it shows that the choice of martyrs and subjects which were celebrated responded to the increasing numbers of nobles within Roman Christian society after the peace of Constantine. Damasus tried to accommodated himself to the sensibilities of the minor aristocracy of Rome and the emerging clergy, without renouncing its hierarchical organization of the Church in line with the social and ecclesial tendencies of the second half of the fourth century, when Roma christiana came into being.

The aim of this study is to determine the historical and cultural context of the pseudoepigraphic Carmen de resurrectione. The Carmen treats poetically many subjects of Christian eschatology: the second coming of Christ, the final judgement, heaven and hell, the universal conflagration. The author believes that the end time is imminent. This perception is common to all the Christians who experienced tribulations: persecutions, natural calamities, barbarian invasions. These painful events urged the Christians to undertake a path of true conversion, in the religious and moral sense. Unlike other poets (Commodianus, Verecundus), the Anonymous author emphasises the virtuous value of the hope of divine reward rather than the fear of divine punishment. The same perspective can be found in the poets and in the monks of early fifth-century Gaul, who suffered the barbarian invasion of 406.

This article begins by analysing the homily Quod frequenter conveniendum sit, in which John Chrysostom represents himself as Elijah, in a way shaped politically by his years in Constantinople and his amazing project of building a Christian/gospel-based politeia. His representation is marked by the idea of philanthropia and in competition with similar ideas found in Neo-Platonic contexts. The article suggests that this representation is replayed in a polemical key in John’s circles to represent the clash with Eudoxia. The use of the verb κωμῳδέω in the spurious In ss. Petrum et Heliam offers a window onto the strategy of the supporters of the deposed bishop of reworking this identification of John with Elijah; this shows that the image of himself as monk, martyr and also persecuted prophet, which Chrysostom had constructed of in his years of exile, was welcomed and adopted by others.

The present work focuses on some particular demonological texts attributed to Fortunatianus (mid-IV century) and Chromatius (between the IV and the V century), both bishops of Aquileia. It also includes Victorinus, bishop of Poetovium (in present-day Slovenia, second half of the III century), who shared the same geographical-cultural milieu of the Aquilean bishops. We have considered primarily their biblical commentaries and, in the case of Chromatius, also his liturgical sermons. In these texts, the devil is characterized by a broad range of expressions in relation to his spiritual struggle against humanity, a struggle already won by Jesus and now entrusted to Christians. The three bishops highlight both the devil’s ability to deceive the sons of God, leading them to idolatry and heresy, and also the victory over him achieved by means of evangelical preaching.

Gregory of Nyssa’s bearing in Qohelet 3:5b to wealth, rather than to the matrimonial “embrace”, is unusual by comparison withother ancient exegeses; it seems to be motivated not only by the acoluthia which characterizes his spiritual interpretation of the passage Qo. 3:2-8 (Sandro Leanza), but also by the crucial importance he gives to catharsis, as one the qualities he considered necessary for the exegete.

The phrase tempora christiana in Augustine has been studied from various points of view. This article illuminates the way in which it refers to the care of divine providence for individuals and society in the period when true worship is rendered to God through the Christian religion. Furthermore, we find Augustine proposing, using the idea of kairós, i.e. a new opportunity to be embraced, to create a new cycle of the human story, to which everyone will contribute.

This article proposes an interpretation of the use of the lemma ὁ κανὼν τὴς ἀληϑείας – regula veritatis in Irenaeus’ Adversus haereses. It is commonly interpreted as a compendium of the main items of Christian faith (more or less as a symbolum) or as indicating the wholeness of the faith (as synonym of veritas). These interpretations focuse themselves in terms of the “contents” of faith. We propose to understand it in a more formal way, as a lemma that indicates the formal structure of Christian truth (μορφή), the specific shape that keeps the objects of faith joined together.

The paper focuses on Rufinus’ translation of Eusebius’ Historia Ecclesiastica 1, 1-3, which discusses trinitarian and christological matters. Firstly, I will analyze how Rufinus amends or removes statements which are close to Origenism and Arianism, sometimes replacing them with orthodox ones; I will then examine Rufinus’ way of citing and interpreting the Bible, by correcting Eusebius’ reading, when it is suspected of heresy, or by explaining passages himself. This work of emendation reveals, on the one hand, Rufinus’ desire to give the readers a text which fits perfectly with the nicen-constantinopolitan creed, and, on the other hand, his aim of protecting himself from accusations.

Poem XXII of Paulinus Nolanus constitutes an important testimony to the saint’s personality and of his mystical experience. Reinterpreting classical poetry according to Christian faith, he expresses the bond of love between Christ and man through erotic symbols and classic metaphors. Through this union, Paulinus also clarifies the concept of divine immutability, fundamental to the patristic theology of the first centuries.

The present contribution proposes the study of the exegetical-soteriological assumption, elaborated by Clement of Alexandria in Str. 6, 15, 131, 1-5, where a passage taken from the Vis. II, 1, 3-4 of Hermas is reinterpreted. The Gnostic exegete, who professes the true gnosis, must be aware that while it is possible for everyone to read the sacrad Scripture “letter by letter”, not everyone will be in a position to undertake the “Gnostic explanation”, but only those to which faith has opened the depths of the text, “the elect”, so that they are able to progress from the “letter” to the “syllable” bringing to light the message that goes beyond the letter, which is already engraved in the “new heart” and now preserved in the book that has been “renewed” by the Savior, the Logos of God.

Augustine invites Christians to maintain a detached attitude towards this world, an invitation which is largely reflected in the Sermones ad populum. This article studies these sermons to highlight the understanding of the relationship of Christians with pagans who are ultimately called to convert. According to this study, it is through preaching that Augustine christianizes pagans without forgetting other means, especially dialogue and knowledge of the practices of peoples not yet educated in the faith.

The history of the relationship between Jerome and Augustine has often been studied; nevertheless it seems that, even after peace was made between the two, the Stridonian advanced some criticisms of Augustine in relation to the evangelical saying about the camel and the eye. He interprets this as an expression of an absolute impossibility, while for Augustine it indicates only the difficulty of an operation which can be overcome thanks to the intervention of God.

The Tritheism of the sixth century has not been widely studied. John Philoponus, the greatest exponent of the theory, developed the idea by applying Aristotelian realism to the doctrine of the Trinity and concluded that in the Trinity there are three hypostases and three natures, whence comes the name for those who hold this position: “Tri-theists,” since they divide the one nature and substance of God into three. This article sheds light on the earliest stage of the development of Tritheism beginning in the year 557, when we can date the first appearance of John Askotzanges in the sources, and goes up until the first Syndocticon, the agreement reached between the Tritheists and the Theodosians at Constantinople in the beginning of the year 567. After the death of Theodosius in 566, Tritheism no longer remained merely a local reality in Constantinople but spilled over the confines of the Imperial capital and spread throughout the East, especially in Egypt.

Following the example of classical literature, Christian texts of the fourth century portray dreams of pregnant mothers. In such dreams, the mother sees her son or daughter, and knows the name of the infant and the great future for which the infant is destined. The dreams of Emmelia, Nonna and Monica are described in the writings of their sons (Gregory of Nyssa, Gregory of Nazianzus and Augustine, respectively). Thanks to her visions and dreams about her child, each mother becomes a mediatrix of God.

The article outlines some aspects of the reception of the so-called four Father of the Latin Church in Renaissance Europe, as emerging in the prefaces of their Opera omnia edited in Basel during the end of the 15th and the first half of the 16th century. Through selected passages from the prefaces, the article discusses (§ 1) the relevance of these sources of old Christianity to the cultural and spiritual renewal many humanistic scholars aimed at; (§ 2) the importance of print in promoting the formation and circulation of patristic editions; finally (§ 3) it illustrates the philological approach to late Antique Christian texts, which was innovative in comparison to former methods of their transmissions and is still very instructive to this day.

The present essay, starting from a close examination of the available sources, intends to retrace the historical dynamics of the controversy between Stephen of Rome and Cyprian of Carthage about single baptism. The analysis highlights more clearly than other studies the need to justify, because of the urgent context of the schism of Novatian, the legitimacy of the different traditions of the Churches, something previously taken for granted. The difficulty of this enterprise, combined with the imponderable human factor, represented by the personalities of the protagonists, generates misunderstandings. A further factor is the decisive role played by Dionysius of Alexandria in resolving the conflict, which confirmed the preferential relationship between Rome and Alexandria.

The aim of the paper is to reconsider the content of first two Visions of the Shepherd of Hermas and to decode some ficticious elements offered by the author at the beginning of his work. The study takes into consideration some recent textual discoveries concerning the first sentence of the Shepherd.

Peristephanon X, a hymn on the martyrdom of St. Romanus of Antioch, may be considered the masterpiece of Prudentius’ poetry on the Christian martyrs. Romanus is represented as a Christian hero. As a rhetor, he defends his faith against paganism as if he were a lawyer; as a martyr, he follows Christ’s example in accepting torture and death. Prudentius’ poetry aims to stimulate and revivify the Christian belief of his audience.

The paper focuses attention on Jerome’s interpretation of Ps. 15,8 in Tractatus in psalmum 15. After an introduction dealing with the right way to translate the verse according to Hebraica veritas, which shows his philological skills, he reveals his exegesis. The opening and concluding parts of this exegesis follow closely the Origen’s Homily on Psalm 15, but the long central section about the righteous highlights the particularity of Jerome’s exegesis; he uses other interpretations of Origen’s, but subordinates them to his own concerns to achieve original results. The study offers further proofs in favour of a proposal for dating this text.