101.
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Social Philosophy Today:
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2
Jan Garrett
Classical Vocationalism and Producers’ Responsibilities
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102.
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Social Philosophy Today:
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2
Joseph P. DeMarco
Justice and the Critique of Basic Social Structures
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103.
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Social Philosophy Today:
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2
Janet A. Kourany
Science Sexist?
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104.
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Social Philosophy Today:
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2
Tziporah Kasachkoff
Patemalistic Solicitude and Paternalistic Behavior:
Appropriate Contexts and Moral Justifications
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105.
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Social Philosophy Today:
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2
MargaIeta Sendrib
Woman as World Builder:
The New Text Aesthetics and the Idea of Community
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106.
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Social Philosophy Today:
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2
James P. Sterba
How To Make People Just
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107.
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Social Philosophy Today:
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2
Robin May Schott
Social and Religions Antecedents of Ascetic Greek Philosopy
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108.
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2
M. Margaret Falls
Prisions and Privacy:
A Moral Evaluation
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109.
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Social Philosophy Today:
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2
Frederic L. Bender
Bureaucracy:
Toward an Existential Critique
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110.
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Social Philosophy Today:
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2
Leonard M. Fleck
Pricing Human Life:
The Visibility Issue
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111.
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Social Philosophy Today:
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2
Larry May
Mobs and Collective Responsibility
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112.
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Social Philosophy Today:
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2
Diana Woodward
Virtue and Desire in Theory and Practice
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113.
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Social Philosophy Today:
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2
Robert Phillips
The Principle of Self-Determination
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114.
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Social Philosophy Today:
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2
Kathryn Smith
Meaning and Functional Significance of Moral and Its Relation to Professional Codes
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115.
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Social Philosophy Today:
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2
Marilyn A. Friedman
Self-Rule in Social Context:
Autonomy From a Feminist Perspective
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116.
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Social Philosophy Today:
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2
Thomas E. Moody
Liberal Conceptions of the Self and Autonomy
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117.
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Social Philosophy Today:
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2
R. Paul Churchill
Nuclear Deterrence and Nuclear Paternalism
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118.
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Social Philosophy Today:
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20
John Rowan
Preface
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119.
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Social Philosophy Today:
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Nelson P. Lande
Trotsky’s Brilliant Flame and Broken Reed
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Trotsky wrote his Terrorism and Communism in 1920, as a response to Karl Kautsky’s book of the same title of the previous year. Trotsky’s aim was to win over, to the side of the Bolshevik view of socialism, the various European socialist political parties. Trotsky’s book is a rare document in the history of political thought. It is a candid and impassioned defense of the Bolshevik view that the period of transition to socialism is incompatible with both individual liberties and democratic institutions as we normally understand them, and requires instead a one-party state with unlimited powers, prepared to use instruments of terror and repression to achieve its goals. In two articles that he wrote in the late 1930s, he elaborated on this view: he sought to provide an explicitly philosophical defense of theBolsheviks’ use of terror and repression.Trotsky’s views merit examination for several reasons: first, because they illuminate the ethical underpinnings of the distinctively Bolshevik view of socialism, and second, because they force one to come to terms with the question of how intelligent, reflective, and decent individuals could have advanced policies that strike us today as ghastly. In this paper I try to piece together Trotsky’s arguments as they bear upon both the Civil War and the immediate postwar period of reconstruction. (Here I focus on his critique of democracy, his defense of terror, and his defense of compulsory labor service and the militarization of labor. This proves to be an ideal point of entry into the ethical considerations that underlie his conception of party and state.) I also examine criticisms of the policies that Trotsky was defending—criticisms that were advanced by Marxists of such disparate stripes as Kaustky, on the one hand, and Rosa Luxemburg, on the other.
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Ted Honderich
Terrorism For Humanity
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This paper takes forward reflections begun in my book After the Terror and then continued in a paper, “After the Terror: A Book and Further Thoughts.” Maybe this third offering on the terrible subjects in question will be the last from me for a while—despite my not having got as close as may be possible to proofs or the like of some principal propositions. It must be easier to deal with the terrible subjects if strong moral convictions about Palestine or whatever come together with great confidence about the very nature of moral philosophy and the possibility of proofs. Still, silence or hesitancy is not an option.
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