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101. Chôra: Volume > 11
Maria Carmen De Vita Alcune variazioni sul mito di Socrate nella tarda antichita
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In the rhetorical tradition of Late Antiquity, Socrates’ legend has a good fortune in the works of different rhetoricians and philosophers. In the following pages I am going to deal with some examples of this phaenomenon, through the works of Themistius and Julian the emperor : two intellectuals of the IV century who are, under many aspects, the exact opposites.They both try to ‘actualize’ Socrates’ figure, highlighting different aspects of the Athenian philosopher, on the grounds of their personal purposes of self-advertisement. So Themistius, a skilled politician working as princeps’ advisor, sees in Socrates a symbol of the ‘politikos philosophos’, who speaks plainly in public with people of all ranks, in a simple and direct way ; for Julian, emperor and philosopher of the new Hellenism, Socrates, instead, is mainly the saviour of the souls, addressing all men towards the true knowledge of themselves and the true faith in pagan gods. These portraits are complementary and both attest the ability of Late Antique intellectuals in their imitatio/aemulatio of figures and myths of Classical Antiquity.
102. Chôra: Volume > 11
Daniela Patrizia Taormina Il n’y a pas d’homme, lâche ou brave, qui ait échappé a sa Moira (Il. 6. 488‑9). Porphyre vs. les stoiciens sur l’autonomie individuelle et l’origine du mal
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In an excerpt preserved by John Stobaeus in the chapter of the Anthologion entitled Peri tôn eph’hêmin (II 8. 42 pp. 172.9-173.2 Wachsmuth = fr. 271. 105-126 Smith), Porphyry addresses the issue of the origin of evil within the context of a broader investigation of individual autonomy : is it enough to envisage man as a subject with the freedom to act in order to make him responsible for evil and thus to free God of any responsibility with regard to the ills besetting individuals ? An answer to this question is provided on the basis of a comparative reading of the Myth of Er (Plato, Republic 617 E-620 E) and of Homer (Iliad 6.488-9 ; Odyssey I 32-4). The conclusion reached is that evil is not intrinsic to human nature, but rather concerns certain forms of existence which individuals opt for when they disregard the divine and forego rationality. Consequently, God is not responsible for evil.The exegetical and argumentative strategy adopted by Porphyry in order to support this answer suggests that his stance is a polemical one, targeting Stoics in particular. Against Chrysippus’ reading of the same verses from Homer, which leads to a deterministic perspective, or at any rate one likely to prove inconsistent (SVF II 925, 999), Porphyry offers an interpretation of Homer as a coherent thinker and a forerunner of Plato : Homer is seen to have proposed a kind of dichotomy between the self-determination and the necessity that characterise the life of the soul, and as having assigned individuals the faculty of choosing between virtue and vice, thus making them ultimately responsible with regard to evil.
103. Chôra: Volume > 11
Anne-Isabelle Bouton-Touboulic Les Confessions d’Augustin : une métamorphose de la parrhesia ?
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This article intends to see to what extend Augustine’s Confessions may correspond to a kind of parrhesia, as analyzed by Michel Foucault about ancient christian writers in Le courage de la vérité. The classical parrhesia (freedom of speech possessed by a citizen) is actually subverted in the specific structure of the Confessions : the frankness of the parrhesia is supposed to have an effect on Augustine as author and on his readers, not on the omniscient God – whom Augustine precisely addresses. Furthermore, his trust in God – another manifestation of parrhesia that is expressed by the Latin word fiducia – has biblical roots, but is also renewed by the idea of grace. Nevertheless, we can say that the apologetical and religious aspect of parrhesia which appears in some passages of the Confessions reminds somehow the traditional political use of parrhesia.
104. Chôra: Volume > 11
Juvenal Savian Filho De nouveau sur la prescience et la causalité divines chez Boece
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Dans des travaux récents, l’aspect logique du thème de la prescience et de la causalité divines chez Boèce a été largement exploité, surtout dans les études vigoureuses de François Beets et John Marenbon. Cependant, si on considère l’ensemble des textes boéciens sans se borner à en privilégier quelques extraits, il apparaît que certains éléments de cette thématique peuvent encore être soulignés, principalement dans le sens du caractère négatif du discours sur la connaissance, la prescience et la causalité divines. Cela semble permettre, par conséquent, de continuer le débat au sujet de ce qu’on pourrait nommer l’épistémologie philosophico-théologique de Boèce.
105. Chôra: Volume > 11
Giulio d’Onofrio Gli «alberi» di Porfirio. Variazioni sulla gerarchia neoplatonica del reale nell’alto Medioevo
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C’est à travers la lecture de l’Isagoge de Porphyre commentée par Boèce que l’idée d’une organisation hiérarchique du réel, fondée sur la division des genres, des espèces et des différences, était introduite dans le patrimoine culturel des intellectuels du haut Moyen Âge au niveau élémentaire de l’étude de la dialectique (c’est-à-dire de la logique). Cette étude, fondement du curriculum pédagogique des arts libéraux, impliquait une considération réaliste des formes de la pensée logiquement ordonnées : seules structures authentiques du point de vue ontologique, les formes sont aussi les seuls objets de la connaissance scientifique puisqu’elles seules sont véritablement exemptes de la vicissitude et de l’accidentalité. Tout au long du haut Moyen Âge, le débat, polymorphe et complexe, sur la nature des universaux introduit donc la comparaison dynamique entre différentes conceptions du réel, de la connaissance et de la science, et aussi de la capacité du langage humain de dire, de manifester et de communiquer la vérité. L’analyse historique de l’évolution et des conséquences de cette perspective philosophique, d’origine porphyrienne d’une part, boécienne et augustinienne de l’autre, se développe ici à travers certains épisodes de la spéculation du haut Moyen Âge, et en particulier à l’époque carolingienne, cherchant à contribuer à une meilleure intelligence de la naissance de la méthodologie des sciences particulières et, plus spécifiquement, de la théologie.
106. Chôra: Volume > 11
Fernando Santoro Allégories et rondeaux philosophiques dans le Poeme de la Nature d’Empédocle
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Dans une perspective de lecture attentive aux stratégies rhétoriques et poétiques de la sagesse antique, nous traitons de rondeaux, de refrains, de rythmes, de fugues et d’allégories. Sans tenir à faire une lecture littéraire ou musicale des fragments du Poème sur la Nature d’Empédocle, nous examinons la théorie philosophique et le langage philosophique du philosophe d’Akragas tel qu’il est construit intrinsèquement par son langage poétique. Le cycle incessant qui alterne l’amour et la haine se déploie dans des ritournelles qui se répètent régulièrement. Les images du monde se transforment allégoriquement dans un processus continu toujours repéré par un schème de quatre figures, dont les êtres, les matériaux, les racines ou les dieux ne sont pas des principes ni des substrats, mais différentes expressions d’un monde en changement perpétuel. Nous confrontons ainsi la vulgate d’Aristote qui parle d’éléments chez Empédocle comme des principes matériels et proposons de lire son poème comme ayant une visée du multiple, qui exprime un monde dionysiaque dont la nature n’a aucune face en dessous des masques qu’elle change.
107. Chôra: Volume > 11
Cécile Merckel Sénèque et le «théâtre» de la causalité, entre nécessité et contingence
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Generally in agreement with the stoic doctrin of causality, Seneca’s primary concern is not conceptual precision, but rather the way the problem of causality is perceived and understood by the human mind, which is unable to comprehend immediately the world’s absolute rationality. The relative vagueness surrounding the notion of cause, and particularly that of Primary Cause (which merges with the stoic god), implies the use of a pedagogical device which prepares the progrediens to grasp the ambiguity existing between necessity and contingency. Seneca dramatizes causality, creates a play, and provides the deus with masks (personae), so as to allow the progressing student of wisdom to comprehend the various facets of the god, as perceived by man, wise or not : necessity, contingency, Fortune, providence. The Roman philosopher’s favourite tools in this dramatization of causality are on one hand the personification of Fortune, and on the other the symbolical hypotyposis which allows the conceptualization of the Primary Cause, governing the world, through an analogy with a concrete figure, particularly that of the ideal princeps. So, through this theatrical depiction of causality, the philosopher provides the „spectator” with a distanciation, a catharsis and a comprehension of the world.
108. Chôra: Volume > 11
Massimo Stella «La source des femmes» : Aristophane et Platon, politiciens du genre féminin (Ecclesiazousae, Lysistrata, République V)
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The aim of this essay is to focus the function of women in Aristophanes’ theatre (Lysistrata and Ecclesiazusae) and in Plato’s book V of the Republic, in an attempt to compare the different strategies adopted by these two authors in staging the female subject on the scene of their respective writings. This enquiry involves raising some fundamental questions such as : is the world of women, evoked by Aristophanes in his dramas and by Plato in his dialogues, a simple metaphor and a mere instrument, if not an utopian mirage, of political theorizing ? If this is not the case, what is the real and practical importance of women within the models of society and collective life outlined by Aristophanes and Plato ? Do Aristophanes and Plato share a same perspective about the role of women in their hypothetical ideal cities ? If not, what are the differences between Aristophanes’ and Plato’s views on this matter?
109. Chôra: Volume > 11
Alain Galonnier L’idéal culturel de Boece entre savoir des textes et textes du savoir
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Le premier commentaire à l’Isagoge de Porphyre, réalisé à partir de la version de Marius Victorinus, semble avoir été pour Boèce l’occasion de faire converger deux analyses, mises au service d’un même idéalisme culturel, l’une propre à une certaine philologie, en un sens qu’il conviendra de définir, l’autre propre à la philosophie, dans son acception classique. Par bien des aspects, ce double cheminement nous paraît présenter des analogies avec ce que l’on observera à la Renaissance, lorsque les approches linguistiques et gnoséologiques se verront associées dans le déchiffrement de textes dont la teneur se révèle à même de susciter l’élévation et l’accomplissement de l’homme.
110. Chôra: Volume > 12
Karel Thein Aristote, critique de Platon sur les causes
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The paper reconsiders Aristotle’s criticism of Platonic forms as causes together with its wider implications for the differences but also similiarities between the two philosophers. Analyzing the relevant texts of Metaphysics A 9 and Generation and Corruption II, 9, where Aristotle addresses the hypothesis of forms as put forward in the Phaedo, it discusses two interpretative options : that Aristotle takes these forms for an imperfect anticipation of formal causes, and that he sees them as an aborted attempt at grasping the efficient causation whose proper discovery Aristotle claims to be uniquely his own. Although both readings have their virtues and can be defended from the Aristotelian perspective, their check against the text of the Phaedo reveals that, in this context, efficient causation distinct from material causation is quite plausibly the issue Aristotle has in mind first and foremost. This, however, is only one side of Aristotle’s broader critical stance towards forms as causes : while he seems to detect a split in Plato’s own understanding of the relation between the forms and causation (a split between the direct yet unclear influence of universals such as the forms of the large or the beautiful on the one hand and the clear causal scheme of the craft-like model of producing things on the other hand), he is equally critical (if not scornful) of the craft-like model as personified by the demiurge of the Timaeus. However, other passages from the Metaphysics (and also from the Generation of animals) suggest that some features of precisely this model, once it is carefully stripped of its personal aspect, may ultimately bear on Aristotle’s own conception of efficient cause.
111. Chôra: Volume > 12
Francesco Fronterotta La critique plotinienne de la causalite finale dans le traite VI 7 (38) des Ennéades (chap. 1‑3 et 25)
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Questo articolo discute un aspetto specifico della teoria causale di Plotino, ossia la critica che egli rivolge alla funzione della causa finale nella sua spiegazione della struttura e della generazione della realtà a partire dal principio primo situato al suo culmine. A tale fine, sono esaminati i capitoli 1-3 e 25 del trattato VI 7 (38) delle Enneadi, in cui la questione della causa finale è posta con chiarezza, innanzitutto nel quadro di una lettura e di un’interpretazione del racconto cosmologico del Timeo di Platone e del ruolo che assume il demiurgo in questo racconto, quindi nel quadro di una critica della concezione aristotelica del primo motore immobile come fine ultimo di tutte le cose.
112. Chôra: Volume > 12
Riccardo Chiaradonna Causalite et hierarchie metaphysique dans le neoplatonisme : Plotin, Porphyre, Jamblique
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The first part of this article focuses on Plotinus’ account of demiurgic causation in treatise VI, 7 [38]. Plotinus’ position is based on two assumptions : 1) the sensible cosmos is rationally ordered and its order depends on an intelligible prior cause ; 2) this order does not reflect any rational design on the part of the cause, since the cause has no reasoning or calculation in it. This view is spelled out against the background of Plotinus’ gradualist metaphysics (theory of the “double activity”) and with respect to Plotinus’ philosophical sources (Plato’s Timaeus and Aristotle’s Metaphysics). The second part of the article focuses on Porphyry, on the anonymous commentary on Plato’s Parmenides and on Iamblichus. Unlike Plotinus, Porphyry has no hesitation in employing concepts drawn from Aristotle’s logic as a resource for expressing his metaphysical theories. This approach can interestingly be set in parallel with that of the anonymous commentary to Plato’s Parmenides assigned to Porphyry by Pierre Hadot (see In Parm., XI, 5-19). A hitherto unnoticed parallel between these lines and Porphyry’s view on the divine hierarchy criticised in Iamblichus’ Response to Porphyry (I, 4, p. 7, 21-11, 4, Saffrey – Segonds) provides a new argument in support of Porphyry’s authorship of the Parmenides commentary.
113. Chôra: Volume > 12
Isabelle Koch Distinctions causales stoiciennes et academiciennes dans le De fato de Ciceron
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The stoic fragments about the notion of cause describe general determinations of what a cause is, without distinguishing kinds of causes. This, for instance, is the case with Zeno’s and Chrysippus’ definitions conveyed by Stobaeus. On the other hand, many testimonies mention causal distinctions, but only related to the Stoics in general, or even without indicating any school. The interest of Cicero’s De fato is that this treatise refers precisely to some causal distinctions presented by Chrysippus and points out the context in which they are developed, i.e the defence of human responsibility. The present study first analyses these causal distinctions linked to Chrysippus at the end of the preserved part of Cicero’s treatise. Secondly, it studies the academic reactions to these distinctions, which are carefully described by Cicero. Finally, these debates between Stoics and Academics are considered from the standpoint of the contrasting positions found in Plato’s dialogues, about the proper or improper usage of the word a‡tion. There are good reasons to think that Plato’s positions underlie the discussions presented by Cicero.
114. Chôra: Volume > 12
Suzanne Husson Œnomaus de Gadara : le dialogue contre le destin (Les charlatans démasqués, fr. 16)
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Œnomaus of Gadara, in his work Detection of Deceivers (γoήτων ϕώρα), of which long fragments are preserved by Eusebius of Caesarea, contests Apollo’s oracles in name of the human action contingency. His targets are not only the Democritean and Stoic determinism, but also the Middle Platonic view of conditional fate. In a fictional address to Apollo, he demonstrates the contingency of the action, in an original way (the „dialectical cogito”), which he extends to the field of the animal action. The examination of his argument shows that the Stoic conceptions of what depends on us (ἐφ᾽ἡμῖν) and of consciousness (συναίσθησις) are cannibalized against determinism.
115. Chôra: Volume > 12
Kristell Trego La metaphysique de la cause. Note sur la cause agente et la (re)naissance de la cause efficiente
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Cet article s’attache à l’émergence de l’idée d’une cause agente, en lieu et place de la cause motrice aristotélicienne. Si Avicenne a dédoublé la cause agente en reconnaissant un principe du mouvement et un principe de l’être, la tradition exégétique grecque puis la falsafa d’expression arabe s’étaient d’abord attachées à reconnaître une cause rendant compte de l’advenue à l’être.
116. Chôra: Volume > 12
Véronique Decaix Structure et fonction de la causalite essentielle chez Dietrich de Freiberg
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Cet article entend déterminer l’apport original du concept de cause essentielle chez Dietrich de Freiberg à la théorie de la causalité. La première partie est consacrée à la définition de cette cause qui précontient l’essence de son effet sur un mode plus noble. Elle montre que cette idée se situe au croisement d’influences néoplatoniciennes (Proclus, Pseudo-Denys l’Aréopagite, le Liber de causis), arabes (Avicenne et Averroès), et qu’elle provient d’une discussion serrée de la thèse de la «cause par essence» d’Albert le Grand. La deuxième partie se focalise sur la fonction cardinale de la cause essentielle dans l’oeuvre de Dietrich. En effet, ce concept permet d’expliquer, sur le plan cosmologique, l’unité de l’univers, le mouvement des cieux et des astres, et sur le plan noétique, de démontrer les propriétés de l’intellect agent, sa relation à l’intellect possible et aux intelligibles, et pour finir son rapport à l’âme. Il ressort de cette étude que la causalité essentielle sert à construire l’ordre des étants «conceptionnels» dans un ensemble cohérent et articulé.
117. Chôra: Volume > 12
Laura Candiotto Elenchos public et honte dans la troisieme partie du Gorgias de Platon
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This article proposes an analysis of the use of emotions, in particular the shame, characterizing the elenctic method performed by Socrates in the dialogue with Callicles in the third part of Plato’s Gorgias. The elenchus aims at improving the interlocutor through a process of purification that is capable of changing his whole existence. However, Plato’s dialogues only rarely give testimony of a successful transformation occurring in the interlocutor. This is due to the interlocutor’s attitude towards shame : the feeling of shame can be accepted as a mean for self-transformation or hidden to protect a social status. The article will explore the way in which this fundamental difference is delineated within the dialogue by providing appropriate textual examples. Arguably, by outlining the distinction between the types of shame, it is possible to notice how the purification of the interlocutor implies a turning point for the public. This is what I call „outreach elenchus”, a specific hermeneutic figure that allows to understand a form of purification of the audience and the spectators witnessing the debate. This type of elenchus steps in at the very moment in which the Socratic interlocutor attempts to protect his social image, concealing his shame. The audience, thanks to Plato’s literary strategy, realizes the failures of the interlocutor even as he refuses to accept them. As a result, his social image becomes tarnished.
118. Chôra: Volume > 12
Maria Protopapas‑Marneli La théologie stoïcienne et l’Hymne à Zeus de Cléanthe
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Questo articolo in un primo tempo avrà il fine di indagare le carat­teristiche che costituiscono la teologia stoica, così come esse sono presenti nell’Inno a Zeus di Cleante. Per perseguire questo obiettivo, in un secondo tempo bisognerà tracciare la nozione della divinità secondo gli Stoici, insistendo sull’aggettivo πολυώνυμος attribuito a Zeus e rivedere certi punti dell’Inno secondo un’interpretazione personale. Infine, in un terzo e ultimo tempo si tenterà di proporre una esegesi del termine πάνδωρος, anch’esso attribuito a Zeus, e di individuare nella sua etimologia quale sia il rapporto tra la divinità e la vita dell’uomo.
119. Chôra: Volume > 12
Mihai Maga, Alexander Baumgarten Contributions a l’identification des commentaires au Livre des Sentences de Pierre Lombard conserves dans la bibliotheque Batthyaneum d’Alba Iulia
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The Alba Iulia Battyaneum Library, subsidiary of the National Library of Romania, was visited in the summer of 2014 by the authors with the intent to explore the commentaries on Peter Lombard’s Sentences which are preserved in the renowned collection of this library. With the help of research tools currently available, the authors verified 21 manuscripts and identified 20 commentaries, and also 4 copies of the Sentences’ text. Overall, the authors discovered five yet unmentioned copies of commentaries. The article presents the newly ascertained details on 17 manuscripts, in relation with previously known data.
120. Chôra: Volume > 13
Meryem Sebti, Daniel De Smet Présentation du dossier: La providence, le destin et le mal, de la philosophie antique à la falsafa