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81. Augustinianum: Volume > 2 > Issue: 1
Celestine J. Sullivan, Jr. David Hume on the Understanding: A study of three themes in the ‘Treatise of Human Nature’
82. Augustinianum: Volume > 2 > Issue: 1
A. Hulsbosch Sagesse créatrice et éducatrice: II. Prov. 1-9
83. Augustinianum: Volume > 2 > Issue: 2
Pierre Courcelle La pensée de Maître Eckhart sur les ‘Confessions’ Augustiniennes
84. Augustinianum: Volume > 3 > Issue: 1
A. Hulsbosch Sagesse créatrice et éducatrice: II. Prov 1-9
85. Augustinianum: Volume > 4 > Issue: 1
Luc Verheijen La Règle de S. Augustin
86. Fichte-Studien: Volume > 47
Ives Radrizzani De la gestion des fantômes du nihilisme. La réponse de la Destination de l’homme
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The accusation of Nihilism, which Jacobi expressed in his Letter to Fichte, marks a caesura in Fichte’s production. Reputed to be the paradigmatical representantive of a philosophical tradition letting any reality dissolve in a simple game of shadows, Fichte sees himself constrained to clarify the status of the image in his system. This paper aims to examine the strategy to which he has recourse in the Destination of Man, in order to find an answer to the attack.
87. Fichte-Studien: Volume > 48
Marco Rampazzo Bazzan Le Vorbild comme clef de voûte de l’image et de l’usage de Platon chez Fichte
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The question whether Fichte was or not Platonist is not to be considered harmless. This is first and foremost a question that Fichte asks himself in front of his students during his Lecture on Ethics at the University of Berlin (SL-1812 GA II /13, 318). In this way Fichte pretended to clarify a point that he considered decisive for characterizing his conception of ethics. Thus, the question of his Platonism no longer concerns his knowledge nor his interpretation of Plato, but rather his manner and reasons for referring to him. In the following pages I try to identify the features and stakes of Plato’s image in Fichte’s texts. In this way, my aim is at identifying the function that the reference to Plato deploys in Fichte’s arguments. That means to elaborate an ethic to be thought over the formalism that Fichte imputed to Kant. From this angle, ,Plato‘ becomes to all effects a ,conceptual person‘ allowing Fichte to forge a singular concept, that of ,Vorbild’. My thesis is finally that Fichte’s Platonism enigma – or the deepest meaning that we can attach to this question – is recovered by that concept. The Vorbild is the keystone for a new conception of ethics, which Fichte elaborated under the name of ,superior morality‘.La question de savoir si Fichte a été ou non ‘platonicien’ ne peut pas être considérée comme anecdotique. Déterminer s’il a été ou non platonicien, c’est avant tout une question que Fichte se pose lui-même devant ses étudiants, durant le cours de La Doctrine de l’éthique (Sittenlehre) à l’Université de Berlin (SL-1812 GA II/13, 318). Ce questionnement de sa part nous intéresse ici parce que, par ce biais, Fichte veut éclaircir un point qui est à ses yeux décisif pour caractériser sa conception de l’éthique. Ainsi, la question de son platonisme ne porte plus sur ses connaissances ou son interprétation de Platon, mais plutôt sur sa manière et sur ses raisons de s’y référer. Dans les pages suivantes, nous tâcherons de cerner les traits et les enjeux de l’image de Platon dans les textes de Fichte.Nous voulons ainsi dégager le rôle que la référence à Platon joue dans ses argumentations en vue de l’élaboration d’une éthique qui puisse être pensée par-delà le formalisme que Fichte impute à Kant. Sous cet angle, ‚Platon‘ devient alors un ‘personnage conceptuel’ permettant à Fichte de forger un concept singulier, celui de ‚Vorbild‘. La thèse que nous allons donc défendre est que l’énigme du platonisme de Fichte – ou bien le sens le plus profond que nous pouvons attacher à cette question – tient exactement au concept de Vorbild qui deviendrait, ainsi, la clef de voûte pour une nouvelle conception de l’éthique, élaborée sous le nom de ‘morale supérieure’.
88. Fichte-Studien: Volume > 48
Luc Vincenti De l’image-modèle à l’image de Dieu. Le dépassement de l’individu dans la doctrine éthique de Fichte, 1798–1812
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Fichte’s ethics changed in many ways between 1794 and 1812: in the first place spiritual life replaced the transformation of nature; individual supersession was radicalized; and ethics was linked with first philosophy. In 1812 it was no longer a matter of inflecting natural necessity by means of the model image of an ideal world (Vorbild). The theme of image reappears as an externalizing of absolute life. Ethical action becomes a moment of this manifestation: a return to unity, following the process of fragmentation of the originary phenomenon (the I or the I-one), into an infinity of individual I’s. This fragmentation is fondamental: life is self-consciousness only in this individual form. The ethical act manifests the concept or image of God with the self-annihilation of individuality. Fichte had already written, in part XI of the Second Introduction, that the I, “only reasonnable”, “is no longer an individual”, and in the first Sittenlehre, § 18 : “We are all supposed to act identically”. Fichte’s final Ethics thus does not radicalize the supersession of the individual. It defines the rational individual by this supersession of himself [or herself], making ethics into a moment [stage] of the absolute life. The matter is not to merge the individual into the whole, but to partake in a living order, in the activity of the whole, which reaches out to each of its members, only to return to the first unity, by forming the whole as such.De 1794 à 1812, l’éthique de Fichte connaît plusieurs évolutions : abandon de la transformation de la nature au profit de la vie spirituelle, radicalisation du dépassement de l’individu, et rapprochement entre éthique et philosophie première. En 1812 il n’est plus question d’infléchir la nécessité naturelle par l’image modeèe (Vorbild) d’un monde idéal. La thématique de l’image apparaît comme extériorisation de la vie absolue. L’action éthique devient un moment de cette manifestation : le retour vers l’un, au terme d’un morcellement du phénomène originaire (le »Moi« ou »Moi un«) en une infinité de Moi(s) individuels. Cette diffraction est essentielle : la vie ne peut être consciente d’elle-même que dans cette forme individuelle. L’agir éthique manifeste le concept ou l’image de Dieu en anéantissant l’individualité. Mais la XIe section de la Seconde Introduction précisait déjà, que dans le monde moral, le Moi »uniquement raisonnable«, »a cessé d’être un individu« et dans la première Sittenlehre, § 18, Fichte écrivait : »Nous devons tous agir de la même manière«. L’éthique tardive ne radicalise donc pas le dépassement de l’individu. Elle définit l’individu rationnel par le dépassement de soi, en faisant de l’éthique un moment de la vie absolue. La question est donc moins de fondre l’individu dans un tout que de participer à un ordre vivant, à l’activité du tout qui va jusqu’à chacun des membres pour revenir vers l’unité première en constituant la totalité comme telle.
89. Fichte-Studien: Volume > 48
Eduardo Ralickas La Doctrine de la science à l’usage des artistes
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This paper addresses some of the figurative properties of Fichte’s philosophical discourse. In many texts from the so-called Spätphilosophie the WL is depicted as an »image of knowing«. In keeping with this idea, the author examines how figure and discourse are inextricably bound up in the space of Fichtean philosophy. The 1794 lectures Concerning the Difference Between the Sprit and the Letter Within Philosophy are particularly telling in this respect, for they foreground metaphor as the necessary vehicle for philosophical expression. Thus, Fichtean philosophy, understood both as discourse (in the sense of pragmatic linguistics) and as »material image«, openly embraces figural modes of knowing, for knowing itself is fundamentally an imagistic activity. In the final analysis, Fichte’s discourse does not separate concept and figure, philosophy and metaphor; instead, it opens up philosophy to the space of the figural – a space from which it ultimately stems and which constitutes the medium of the Wissenschaftslehre as such. In closing, the author reconsiders one of Fichte’s most striking metaphors, i.e., philosophy as Eucharist, in order to shed new light on a famous portrait of Fichte from 1812. He argues that the latter sustains in painterly form a meditation on the place of the figurative in philosophical discourse.Cet article est consacré à la question de la figurabilité du discours philosophique chez Fichte. La WL, on le sait grâce aux textes de la Spätphilosophie, incarne ce que Fichte appelle en 1812 l’»image du savoir«. Cet énoncé constitue le point de départ de notre réflexion sur les liens entre figure et discours dans la philosophie fichtéenne. À la lumière de quelques énoncés métaphilosophiques incontournables pour l’intelligence de la WL nous envisageons, dans un premier temps, le rôle de la métaphore dans l’enseignement fichtéen. Nous démontrons que la philosophie fichtéenne, entendue comme discours (au sens de la linguistique pragmatique) et comme »image matérielle«, doit épouser les traits d’une figure afin qu’on puisse la transmettre à autrui. Ainsi, loin de séparer concept et figure, philosophie et image, le dispositif fichtéen ouvre au contraire l’espace de la philosophie sur l’espace figural dont il est issu et qui en constitue le véritable médium. Dans un deuxième temps, en revenant sur une des métaphores les plus prégnantes dans le discours de Fichte, à savoir la philosophie comme Eucharistie, nous proposons l’analyse d’un célèbre portrait de Fichte qui n’a pas encore reçu l’attention philosophique qui lui revient et qui constitue, selon notre hypothèse, une réflexion inédite sur la figurabilité du discours en philosophie.
90. Augustinian Studies: Volume > 45 > Issue: 2
Isabelle Bochet Réflexions sur l’exégèse figurative d’Augustin: Christ Meets Me Everywhere: Augustine’s Early Figurative Exegesis de M. Cameron
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L’article présente et discute le livre de Michael Cameron, Christ Meets Me Everywhere. Augustine’s Early Figurative Exegesis. Dans cet ouvrage, M. Cameron expose la manière dont Augustin a élaboré sa méthode d’interprétation figurative de l’Ancien Testament, depuis ses premières œuvres jusqu’en 400 environ, c’est-à-dire jusqu’à la rédaction des Confessions, du De catechizandis rudibus et du Contra Faustum manichaeum. La force du livre est d’articuler la christologie d’Augustin à sa lecture figurative des Écritures: la manière dont Augustin a peu à peu compris la profondeur de la médiation du Christ, à la fois Dieu et homme, grâce à la lecture de Paul et des Psaumes, est à lier à l’importance qu’il donne, dans l’Écriture, aux signa translata. M. Cameron montre bien le rôle qu’a joué Ambroise en permettant à Augustin de rattacher la Bible au cadre rhétorique qui lui était familier; il serait fécond de compléter ses remarques en analysant aussi la pratique exégétique d’Ambroise sur quelques exemples et en précisant le rôle de Tyconius dans la formation de l’exégèse figurative d’Augustin. Le jugement que porte M. Cameron sur le De doctrina christiana qu’il juge “expérimental et incomplet à bien des titres” mérite sans doute d’être un peu nuancé.
91. Fichte-Studien: Volume > 49
Frédéric Seyler Images de l’absolu: Phénoménologie matérielle et phénoménologie fichtéenne
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Although the meaning of «phenomenology» significantly differs from Fichte to Henry, it is nonetheless a similar problem that both thinkers encounter since they both can be read as conceiving of the absolute as life, i.e. as that which essentially and necessarily escapes the power of the concept as well as that of sight. If life is according to its very essence invisible, then it must remain outside the realms of intuition and discourse. On the other hand, life is precisely what a phenomenology of life as a philosophical discourse is aiming at. By placing the recognition of the absolute in the center of their approach, both Henry’s material phenomenology and Fichte’s phenomenology – presented in his 1804 Wissenschaftslehre Zweiter Vortrag – raise the question of the conditions of possibility enabling such knowing and recognition. From an ethical point of view, however, the decisive question, that of the existential form that this recognition could take in the realm of action, remains open.
92. Augustinianum: Volume > 57 > Issue: 2
F. Dolbeau Deux Sermons d’Augustin pour les fêtes de Jean-Baptiste et de Pierre et Paul (s. 293 et 299)
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Published here is a critical edition of Augustine’s Sermons 293 and 299, the first edition since the Maurists. Sermon 293 was preached in Carthage on the 24th of June 413, feast of John the Baptist, at a time when infant baptism was a controversial question. Sermon 299 was delivered on the 29th of June, in honour of Peter and Paul : its manuscript transmission and thematic likeness with Sermon 293 suggest that it was preached, according to Pierre-Marie Hombert’s hypothesis, in the same year in the same city, not five years later. Both texts, numbered among the longest of the De sanctis sermons, contradict Pelagian theses about the origin of death and the notion of human impeccability.
93. Augustinianum: Volume > 58 > Issue: 1
Maria Chiara Giorda Diakonia et économes au service de l’économie monastique en Égypte (IVᴱ -VIIIᴱ siècles)
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Despite the ideal of dispossession, absolute poverty and the total absence of links with possession and human beings which shaped the myth of the monastic desert, the monastic economy and its management were very similar to the secular economic system, in that both were organised by networks based on families.This article tackles how and where material assets were produced and administered in Egyptian monasteries between the fourth and eighth centuries (the diakonia), and who was responsible for this function (the oikonomos). The history of monasticism is materially related to the institutionalisation of the society’s cultural and material systems of production. Consequently the economy was also transformed by monastic practices: history is linked to the definition and the successful affirmation of the figure of the oikonomos, the steward in charge of everyday life in monasteries.
94. Augustinianum: Volume > 59 > Issue: 1
Agapit Gbegnon Signification du verbe κατέρχομαι dans la doctrine sur Marc le Mage (Adv. Haer. 1, 13, 3, linn. 56-58)
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The verbal form κατέλθῇ, which appears in the passage of Adv. Haer. 1, 13, 3, linn. 56-58, in which Irenaeus presents the Marcosian doctrine, is usually translated as to descend, following the old Latin version (cf. descendat). However, in another place in the work of Irenaeus himself, this verb receives other translations. This note shows how it may be much better to translate the verb κατέρχομαι in AH 1, 13, 3, linn. 56-58 by devenire, redere.
95. Augustinianum: Volume > 60 > Issue: 2
Christophe Guignard Hilaire de Poitiers, Commentaire sur Matthieu 33, 5 : plaidoyer pour le texte de la famille α
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Three major reshuffles delineate two families (α and β) within the manuscript tradition of the Commentary on Matthew by Hilary of Poitiers. In the first two cases (3, 2; 9, 7-9), J. Doignon in his critical edition (SCh 254 and 258) favored the text of the α family, judging that the β family generally attests to numerous revisions intended to suppress difficult lectiones. In the third case, on the other hand, he adopted the short text of the β family, thus demoting two short passages in 33, 5 specific to the α family. This article shows that on the one hand the language of these passages is attributable to Hilary and on the other their content fits perfectly with his exegesis. It thus argues for their authenticity.
96. Augustinianum: Volume > 60 > Issue: 2
Charles-Antoine Fogielman L’exégèse anti-origéniste de Jean Philopon: origines et postérité
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The main exegetical work of Jean Philopon, the De opificio mundi, which rehearses the literalist reading of Genesis found in the Basil of Caesarea’s Hexaemeron rather than an allegorical reading, uses a surprising hermeneutic given the general expectations of the era and in particular the Miaphysite milieu to which Philoponus belongs. This paper studies how Philoponus’ work stems from the demands of the Christological debate in which he took part, and offers an evaluation of its immediate aftermath.
97. Augustinianum: Volume > 62 > Issue: 1
Xavier Morales Sabellius libyen, Libye sabellienne ?
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Was Sabellius really a Libyan? Examining contemporary sources and ancient historiography on one of the most enigmatic heretics in the history of dogmas, the article shows that the Libyan origin of Sabellius is unlikely, and that it is an exaggeration to claim that Libya was a Sabellian home in the third century. Eusebius of Caesarea is probably guilty of having identified the adversaries of Dionysius of Alexandria located in Ptolemais as disciples of Sabellius, and the testimony of Origen on the theology of the identification between the Father and Christ is too abstract to deduce that this theology was as widely diffused in the East as it has previously been held.
98. Augustinianum: Volume > 62 > Issue: 1
Dimitrios Zaganas Traces de l’influence de Cyrille d’Alexandrie sur le De Trinitate du Pseudo-Didyme
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This article further examines the literary relationship between the De Trinitate falsely attributed to Didymus the Blind and the works of Cyril of Alexandria, aside from their common philosophical citations. The highlighted similarities of these two authors cannot be explained by a common source; on the contrary, they indicate a direct dependence of one author upon the other. Their analysis shows that words, turns of phrase and ideas which are typical of Cyril and often occur in his writings are each used only once by Pseudo-Didymus. This evidence weighs heavily in favour of Cyril’s antecedence. In fact, the anonymous author of the De Trinitate has been influenced, in addition to fourth-century doctrinal treatises, by Cyril’s De sancta Trinitate dialogi, an anti-Arian work dating from the 420s. He also assimilated several other Cyrillian features, and was even inspired by Cyril’s anti-Arian Christology in his doctrine on the Holy Spirit. Cyril of Alexandria, therefore, has priority over Pseudo-Didymus, both chronologically and theologically.
99. Augustinianum: Volume > 16 > Issue: 1
A.G. Hamman Portrait de l’abbe Migne: Signification d’un centenaire
100. Augustinianum: Volume > 17 > Issue: 1
W. Rordorf Le ‘pain quotidien’ (Matth. 6, 11) dans l’exégèse de Grégoire de Nysse