This paper considers Chinese Communist Party policies in Tibet from Confucian, Daoist, and Buddhist perspectives. I first explain how these three traditions are unified in the sanjiao heyi, but I contend that this practice has been neglected in favor of state repression. I then elucidate Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism with respect to their general principles and application in Tibet. I conclude that a fuller embrace of the sanjiao heyi where Confucian tenets are balanced by insights from Daoism and Buddhism would cultivate an anti-oppressive response to governmental control.

In this paper, I summarize and object to the “deep-self” view of moral responsibility as laid out by Susan Wolf in “Sanity and the Metaphysics of Responsibility.” My objection centers on how our intuitions regarding crimes of passion conflict with the conclusions drawn by the deep-self view. I then proceed to sketch out three possible responses which can be made by an adherent to the deep-self view and make my recommendations on how such adherents should proceed in further understanding moral responsibility.

In this paper I explain the utility of shapeshifting through the figure of the sage and the nepantlera according to the Zhuangzi and “the path of conocimiento. . . inner work, public acts,” respectively. These two figures could serve as guidelines to protecting subjective truth in a tumultuous and egoistic time, and aid in defense against mental assimilation into normative cultures. A distinction between the two will be made, with emphasis on how the contextual development of the figures applies to different social situations, and a synthesis of the utility of their application in present day will follow. The process of shapeshifting, of not clinging to social custom and normative identity categories as a means to protect ourselves from mental harm and assimilation, may serve to be of some use to us all.

The standard pedagogy within Philosophy for Children courses is the community of inquiry. In this paper, I argue that the current form of the community of inquiry does not properly accommodate autistic students. Using observations from Benjamin Lukey alongside my personal testimony, I illustrate how autistic students may struggle within the community of inquiry. Importantly, I argue that this need not be the case, as the community of inquiry can be made more inclusive if it were to emphasize collaboration instead of verbal dialogue.

This work “Escaping Self-Sacrifice: Changing Black Women’s Relationship with Servility” is a deep dive into Lisa Tessman’s Burdened Virtues. Addressing the idea of servility as a burdened virtue that requires self-sacrifice, I strive to reevaluate the traditional role Black women have in their families and within their communities. I argue that the demands of Black women are so excessive that they have lost touch with their self-regarding virtues, causing them to have ethical imbalances within themselves. This work is a part of an ongoing attempt to counter oppressive practices with joy as a form of resistance. I use the idea that simply existing is enough for Black women without the added burden of taking care of everyone else.

In The Rule of Law in the Real World, Paul Gowder presents a new account of the rule of law based on three conditions: publicity, regularity, and generality. In this essay, I examine two closely related questions that are prompted by Gowder’s version of the rule of law. First, does the rule of law require citizens to follow the law? Second, what does Gowder’s account mean for jury nullification? I argue that the rule of law does not require citizens to follow the law, but it does prohibit jury nullification. A discussion of some moral implications and objections follow.

Since the Taliban resumed political power in Afghanistan in August 2021, their total application of strict Sharia Law has demanded global attention. This paper theorizes that, in pursuit of social order, the Taliban has enacted a civil religion to justify their complete reversion of women’s rights as a public good. I examine Afghanistan's social contact through the political philosophies of Thomas Hobbes and Jean-Jacques Rousseau and suggest why the intended social order has not materialized. In conclusion, I depict the erosion of women's rights as a matter of structural injustice and incite critical reflexivity towards our responsibility for global justice.